Glenn Greenwald
Politics • Culture • Writing
Everyone Condemns Big Tech—Who Is Fighting It? DOJ/Google, Crowder/Shapiro, Brazil, & Mor
Video Transcript: System Update Episode #28
January 26, 2023
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Note From Glenn Greenwald: The following is the full show transcript, for subscribers only, of a recent episode of our System Update program, broadcast live on Rumble on Wednesday, January 25, 2023. Going forward, every new transcript will be sent out by email and posted to our Locals page, where you'll find the transcripts for previous shows. 


Watch System Update Episode #28 Here on Rumble.

Many people in politics and journalism love to tell how angry they are at Big Tech, how much contempt they harbor for it, and how devoted they are to subverting, weakening, and undermining it. And while some of them do mean that, many of them do not. When everyone is watching and the cameras are rolling, they strut around posturing as threatening and menacing enemies of Big Tech but when the cameras are off and nobody is looking, many of them suddenly lose interest in what they are claiming is such a passionate cause for them, while others do something much more cynical, and more destructive: they work to fortify and benefit from the very system of Big Tech they claim to despise. 

This is a topic that can lend itself to moral posturing, sanctimony, and hectoring but I think it's both too nuanced and too important to lose time with any of that. We’re going to try and do our best to examine what is actually a challenging and an interesting question: faced with a very small group of corporate giants who have used anti-competitive practices to make themselves virtually unchallengeable and inescapable, how can one shrewdly subvert their power without sacrificing one's integrity, or, worse, cynically exploiting the sincere anger of the public toward Big Tech for one's own personal aggrandizement? 

We'll use several recent stories in the news – including the ugly and vitriolic dispute between YouTuber Steven Crowder and Ben Shapiro's Daily Wire, The filing of a new lawsuit yesterday by the Biden DOJ against Google, Rumble’s various battles against Big Tech censorship, and the growing censorship crisis in Brazil – to understand who those are who are attempting to foster free speech on the Internet and who is fraudulently pretending to do so.

For now, welcome to a new episode of System Update starting right now. 


Monologue:

One of the easiest and surest ways to win applause in right-wing media and political circles is to raise your fist in condemnation of Big Tech. Indeed, along with the Deep State and left-wing cultural dogma, Big Tech has, for good reasons, become such a consensus villain for conservatives that expressing contempt for it is virtually a prerequisite for acceptance in right-wing politics. That's not a surprise, since polls show that 80% of conservative Republicans believe Big Tech is in fact biased against them and favors liberal views. 

But as we all learned at a very young age, actions speak louder than words, and that's because words are easy and actions are much harder. Put another way, words can have an impact but are generally harmless. Actions, however, can subvert, and disrupt, and transform and overthrow. And that's why they're much more important than words are now.

Corporate lobbyists in Washington certainly understand the difference between words and actions. They know, for instance, that in order for Democratic Party politicians to have any chance to win elections – especially Democratic Party primaries, but increasingly general elections as well – it's necessary for Democrats like Hillary Clinton or Chuck Schumer and Nancy Pelosi to rail against the evils of Wall Street and vow to attack structural income and wealth inequality if they win, and even go after Wall Street tycoons and finally hold them accountable. 

And that is why we so often see what looks to be a paradox, namely that Democratic politicians, like Joe Biden, who rage against the Wall Street machine and pound their fists on the table in anger over the unfairness of income inequality and large corporate bonuses, nonetheless, end up drowning in campaign cash from Wall Street and their lobbyists, far more so than their opponents. That's because Wall Street lobbyists are sophisticated enough to know that Democrats – when their foreheads bulge with anger on the campaign trail, as they scream about the wretched corruption of banks – do not actually mean a word of what they're saying. 

Both Democrats and their corporate donors know that this is all theater, designed to trick voters into voting for them so that they can then acquire power and use that power to serve the interests of the Wall Street barons they pretend to loathe. It's all a game. Everyone inside the Beltway understands the game; the marks are the voters. 

This deceitful game is by no means confined to Democratic politicians or politicians generally. Many companies, media personalities, and government agencies love to drape themselves in the costumes of popular values or causes that they do not actually support and sometimes actively oppose and despise. And that is definitely true of vocal opposition to Big Tech, opposition that produces great benefits to those who express it  – votes for politicians, clicks and subscriptions, and advertising dollars for media companies – yet are often accompanied either by total inaction or, worse, by fortifying Big Tech’s structures when nobody is looking. 

I don't want to pretend that this is always a clean and easy issue. When I left The Intercept, I decided that I would only work with and bring my audience to platforms that I believe are truly devoted to creating free speech zones on the Internet and defining and fighting against various pressures and even legal coercion to censor unpopular and anti-establishment voices offline – which is why I've spent the last two years publishing my written journalism at Substack, my video broadcast exclusively on Rumble and my podcasts on the Callin app. 

But I realize not everyone has the same luxury that I have. I've spent 15 years or so building a large and portable audience that will read or watch my journalism wherever I go. But for younger journalists or commentators just starting out and trying to make their way, I completely understand that compromises are sometimes necessary. 

Indeed, the crux of the Big Tech problem is that they are – according to the official position of the House Antitrust Subcommittee – monopolies in the classic and legal sense of that word. That means, by definition, that Big Tech corporations engage in anti-competitive practices, making it all but impossible for any competitors to emerge.

That also means that they have the power to unify, to crush any competitors that begin challenging their hegemony – as we saw them do quite brazenly back in January 2021, when the Free Speech app Parler – remember them? – became the number-one most downloaded app in the country – ahead of TikTok, YouTube, Facebook, and Instagram – following the banning of the sitting president, Donald Trump, by Twitter and Facebook, only for Democratic politicians to quickly demand that Apple and Google remove Parler from its stores, which had the effect of crippling Parler by preventing new users and impeding functionality for existing users by making updates impossible, followed by Amazon's refusal and rejection of the platform from their dominant hosting services. So within 48 hours, Parler went from being the most downloaded app in the country to barely existing on life support, and it never really recovered. If that didn't illustrate to you the virtually unchallengeable dominance and hegemony of Big Tech, I can't imagine what would. 

All of this also means that it is close to impossible to find an audience, a new audience in particular, without in some way using Big Tech’s platforms. So even though I was able to make the choice to only work with and for free speech alternatives to Big Tech, I still use Big Tech to promote the journalism we do. I use Twitter to make myself heard and ensure I can influence political conversations. And since we launched our new show, this show, last month, we have used and continue to use all Big Tech platforms – Facebook, Google's YouTube, Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram – to promote the show in the hopes of reaching new viewers, which is one of the goals of this show. So, as devoted as I am to this cause of free speech and crushing Big Tech's power to censor political speech off the Internet – and that cause is, if not my overarching cause, certainly one of my primary ones – it would be close to impossible for me to avoid Big Tech platforms entirely if I want to have any actual impact on our politics of our country, and the broader political and cultural conversation. 

And if that's true for someone like myself, who has been able to build one of the most independent and reliable independent media platforms in the country, it's certainly true of others who are younger, less established, and still looking for ways to bring attention to their work. So I appreciate the nuances of these challenges and don't intend to approach this with a posture of sanctimonious  hectoring, or moral superiority. I believe everyone should be expected to act with integrity in accordance with their stated principles. That's for sure. But complete purity is a luxury reserved for poets and artists or those who are born into great familial wealth. And even for that lofty group, a type of fanatical purity would still make it close to impossible to be heard in our current politics. 

But while recognizing those intricacies, I think it's important to nonetheless examine who is cynically exploiting the cause of liberating us from Big Tech and reconstructing the Internet as a venue where free speech and free inquiry can flourish. And while most cases may be borderline or morally ambiguous, some are not. 

Let's take the case of Congressman Jim Jordan, of Ohio, who is one of the most talented speakers and most skilled rhetorical advocates in all of Congress. When Congressman Jordan goes on Fox News or speaks before the crowds of the conservative and MAGA faithful, few can rile them up as he can. He rolls up his sleeves, he gets very angry and very vocal and very passionate. He's easily one of the five most powerful and influential members of the House Republican Caucus, in part because of his defiant and aggressive anti-Big Tech posture that he loves to show and is so good at expressing. But in larger part because of his great skill at raising huge amounts of corporate cash that fuels the Republican machine. And that professed cause of his – fighting Big Tech – is often directly at odds with the base of his power inside Congress, namely his prowess at raising large amounts of corporate cash. 

But how has Jim Jordan used this great power inside Congress to advance what he claims is his passionate cause of fighting Big Tech? If you ask those whose specialty is working on anti-Big Tech legislation – as I have – they will struggle to give you an answer. 

And while it's tempting to say that they're just doing nothing, that's actually not true. They are doing something. People like Jim Jordan are protecting Big Tech and obstructing any actual meaningful reforms. Along with newly elected House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, Jordan has repeatedly opposed bipartisan antitrust proposals that are designed to solve the problem of Big Tech's power to censor. In 2021, when Congress released its report declaring those four Big Tech companies – Amazon, Apple, Google, and Facebook – to be monopolies, and a package of bills after a year-long investigation into all of those companies and how they legally maintain their monopolies, what was Jim Jordan's response? Mr. anti-Big Tech filed a dissenting view to that report.

And last September, he opposed a bill that would increase the fees these companies have to pay when they file for a merger with the government. Now, time and again, anti-Big Tech politicians like Jordan not only fail to hold Big Tech accountable, but they also actually do Big Tech's bidding – in the backrooms and the sewers of Congress, and the places Donald Trump denounced as the Swamp, when the cameras are off and his base is at work and nobody is looking and he's there only with Google and Facebook lobbyists who have their checkbook out ready to reward subservience to those companies interests. 

And there is nothing particularly complex or morally ambiguous about that kind of deceit. It is exploitative, condescending to voters, and deeply cynical in all of the worst ways. There are, though, other instances that I think raise more ambiguities that I want to look at, especially recent developments in the news that help us better understand how the cause of Big Tech is being exploited by some and pursued with authenticity by others. 

Just this week, the Department of Justice, the Biden Department of Justice, filed a lawsuit aimed at one company, Google, that is designed to dismantle Google's ability to crush the competition by using its various platforms, particularly its online advertising dominance, in order to basically manipulate the entire industry. 

Here from the Washington Post, you see the headline “Justice Department Sues Google Over Dominance in Online Advertising”. And the article reports: 

The lawsuit, the second federal case pending against the search giant, alleges that the company's core ad business should be broken up because Google allegedly used its dominant position in the online ad industry to box out competitors. By neutralizing rivals and forcing publishers to use its products, Google was able to dictate the rules of the marketplace for online ads, the lawsuit says (The Washington Post. Jan.24, 2023).

The suit alleges that Google engaged in a “systematic campaign” to gain a grip on the high-tech tools that publishers, advertisers, and brokers use to buy and sell digital advertising. Now, I know this sounds technical, but this is vital to understanding Big Tech's stranglehold on our politics and our economy. 

Having inserted itself into all aspects of the digital advertising marketplace, Google has used anticompetitive, exclusionary, and unlawful means to eliminate or severely diminish any threat to its dominance over digital advertising technologies”, the lawsuit says. Google has used its control over the ad market to harm its rivals, resulting in a “broken” advertising market in which website creators earn less and advertisers pay more, the Justice Department says (The Washington Post. Jan.24, 2023).

That's a pure distortion of a free market when one company can use its dominance to render basically how much money people make and how much money they can charge. The article goes on. 

This also affects consumers because when publishers make less money from advertising, they have to charge people, through subscriptions, paywalls, and other forms of monetization, the lawsuit claims. […] The suit adds to Google's mounting legal challenges; the company is already fending off a separate federal antitrust lawsuit that was filed in the fall of 2020 during the Trump administration. That suit, which is focused on Google search results, is scheduled to go to trial this year. Google also faces multiple antitrust lawsuits led by state attorneys general. […]

Biden has signaled his intention to take on Big Tech's power, in part by appointing tech critics Lina Khan and Jonathan Kanter as head of the Federal Trade Commission and chief of the Justice Department's Antitrust Division, respectively.

 

Under Khan, the FTC has been increasingly active in challenging mergers in the tech industry. The agency last month brought a challenge against Microsoft's acquisition of the game developer Activision, and it also argued in a California courtroom against Meta's acquisition of a virtual reality startup. […] The Justice Department, under Attorney General Merrick Garland, has several antitrust losses in its first year but more recently has notched a string of high-profile victories, including a court ruling that blocked the merger of two powerful book publishers. […] Yet antitrust enforcers continue to face an uphill battle in a court system that has taken an increasingly narrow view of competition law (The Washington Post. Jan.24, 2023).

Now, let's stop there for a second because there are some very important issues lurking within this. I don't think I need to prove my bona fides as a vehement critic of the Biden administration, it is something I do virtually on a daily basis and have done since the very start of the Biden administration. But this is actually one area in which the Biden administration seems genuine about its commitment to a cause that has become increasingly popular among the American right, namely reining in the virtually uncontrolled power of Big Tech. And as a result, after a lot of skepticism, these two people in particular, the head of the DOJ antitrust Division that just brought this lawsuit against Google, and Lina Khan, the very serious scholarly head of the Federal Trade Commission, have gained a lot of support among Republican members of Congress who began skeptical of what their intentions were, for reasons I completely understand. Many Democrats want to weaken Big Tech or threaten to weaken Big Tech for only one reason: to gain leverage in order to influence or coerce them to censor the Internet in favor of the Democratic Party by censoring content that dissents from Democratic Party orthodoxy or censoring voices who oppose Democratic Party politics.

And so there was good reason for Republican skepticism about the motives or the interests behind some of these antitrust actions. But serious Republicans in Congress, conservatives in Congress, like Congressman Ken Buck, who was the ranking member of the House Antitrust Committee – that issued that report, declaring those four companies a monopoly, and it was now, I think, poised to become the chair of that subcommittee – has become an ally of Senator Amy Klobuchar in the Senate with her bipartisan bill that I referenced last night to break up the power of some of these companies, legislation that has attracted the support of real conservatives in the Senate, including Josh Hawley, of Missouri, and Chuck Grassley, of Iowa, and Ted Cruz, of Texas. 

So, you see this bipartisan trans-ideological coalition forming over what is, I think, a very serious effort to rein in the power of Big Tech, because people realize, regardless of where they fall in the political spectrum, that having giants of this limitless power able to basically run roughshod over all competitors, to do whatever they want with no limits of any kind, is incompatible with having a healthy democracy. And perhaps people who are conservative are more angry about this because of the censorship issue, and people who are Democrats are more angry because of the economic antitrust issues but, at the end of the day, the core premise is a shared one, which is that we cannot have these companies any longer, three or four of them, utterly dominating one of the most important human innovations in decades, if not centuries, which is the Internet.

The stranglehold that gives them over every aspect of our civic life is far too excessive. And that's where a lot of this is coming from, from a genuine conviction that these companies need to be reined in. And yet, as I said, there are still Republicans in the House, in particular like Jim Jordan, who continue to talk a good game. He probably wouldn't disagree with a word I've said so far, except for that little part where I accused him of being a fraud but, other than that, he would endorse all of the things I've said about Big Tech, and yet he has nothing to show for it. He has nothing to show for it, like so many of the conservatives in Congress with him, because they are exploiting their base and their voters, knowing that many of you hate Big Tech and that you'll donate every time they go on Fox and rail against it or speak about it at a rally. But then their real allies are not you but Google and Facebook lobbyists and they are there to block and impede both regulatory and legislative attempts to rein in the power of Big Tech. That does not mean that there are never valid reasons for questioning some of these attempts to rein in Big Tech.

I understand that in conservative politics, antitrust legislation is not always a consensus and popular view, but it is a consensus view among Republicans and conservatives if you look at polling data, that people believe that the power of Big Tech is wildly and aggressively excessive and needs to be reined in. And there are genuine efforts that are serious and based in a genuine conviction that Big Tech is too excessive and needs to be reined in. And a lot more could be done in this realm if it weren't for, on the one hand, liberals in Congress whose only interest is exploiting these measures to influence Big Tech to censor more, and then, on the other, conservatives who have a much greater interest in receiving checks from Google and Facebook and Apple and Amazon than they do serving the cause that they claim to their base they really believe in. That's the reality of what's taking place here. 

Let's move to the next graphic from July. So just six months ago, when I was at Substack, we reported on an important case, the one that was brought by Rumble against Google. And this is the perfect example of how anti-competitive practices work. I mentioned this last night. Remember last night's show? We talked about how every time there's an attempt to rein in Big Tech power legislatively or through regulation or through lawsuits, the people who are the first to pop up and protect Big Tech and demand that nothing be done is the U.S. Security State, led by James Clapper and people like Fran Townsend and the rest of that whole crew, Mike Morrell, CIA directors and homeland security advisers who understand that keeping Big Tech hegemonic and monopolistic is crucial to their agenda of ensuring the flow of information stay within their stranglehold, within their control, so that the only things you hear are things they want you to hear, and none of the things they don't want you to hear become available to you. 

And one of the companies that is on board with the same effort that I just explained from The Washington Post is being pursued by the Biden Justice Department, to their credit, is this very platform right here, which is Rumble, which is one of the reasons I've decided to be on this platform instead of others. Now, before I explain this lawsuit and its importance, I want to just be very upfront and transparent about my relationship with Rumble. Because if I'm going to talk about Rumble, I think you quite rightly want to know what my interest might be.

So, to begin with, I have no ownership of any kind of Rumble. I have no stock on Rumble and no stock options on Rumble, under no conceivable theory do I benefit financially if Rumble does well financially. My only relationship with Rumble is that I have a show on Rumble, a nightly Show, the one you're watching, that they pay for me to produce, in a contract that we signed about six months ago. I had a contract with them previously, a much smaller one, to produce two or three videos per month. And in all contracts that I've ever signed with any media company, including The Intercept, the one that I founded, or any other company with which I've ever worked, including Rumble, I always have a guarantee of absolute editorial freedom, by which I mean that nobody can review my show before it airs.

Nobody has the power to come to me after and tell me they dislike their content. It's a guaranteed multi-year contract, which means that even if I decided for whatever reason to devote my program every single night to doing nothing but trying to convince you that Rumble is evil, Rumble has no way out of the contract. They can't stop paying me. They can't cancel my show no matter what it is that I do or say. Their ability to get out of that contract is extremely limited. It's limited to things like my death or my conviction of felony charges, and that's pretty much it.

So, Rumble has zero leverage over me in terms of anything that I can say, and we even talked about how, it will probably be the case, in the future, that Rumble will do things that I disagree with and dislike, and I will likely denounce them and they want me to because that demonstrates that their commitment to free speech is a genuine one. They want criticisms of their conduct as a company to be heard on their very platform, including by the people with whom they have the most significant contractual relationship such as myself. So that's my only incentive scheme. I have no incentive when it comes to Rumble, when I'm reporting on them, when I'm talking about them to do anything other than tell you the truth, I don't benefit if I praise them; I don't suffer if I criticize them. 

But in this lawsuit that we reported on, in July of 2022, Rumble sued Google, claiming antitrust violations similar to the one the Trump Justice Department raised back in 2020. So, let's be clear about that. It's not just the Biden DOJ suing Google and other Big Tech companies for antitrust violations. A very similar suit was also brought by the Trump DOJ relating to the way that they manipulate their search terms to destroy competitors. And the theory of the Rumble lawsuit is one that I have discovered personally is unquestionably true, which is that one of the things that Google does is that, if you are a competitor of Google's, not in terms of their search engine, but in terms of any of their many businesses, including their ownership of YouTube, they will make sure that you are buried. And given that something like 90 or 93% of all people who search on the Internet use Google, that dominance is incredibly powerful. They can bury you if they want to. Can any of you even name alternatives or competitors to Google Search engine? Just like maybe Yahoo still has theirs? I'm not even sure. Bing? But Google is essentially the only game in town. So, if they decide to bury you, it's going to be very hard for you to thrive and exist. 

And there is no question that they bury Rumble's videos on purpose. Why? Because Rumble is a competitor to their other platform, which is YouTube. I've encouraged you before if you want to find one of my videos, even ones that have millions of views and there are several that do, go to a Google search engine and enter the topic with my name and video. And oftentimes what will appear as the first, second, and third results are copies of my show that people without permission posted on YouTube, or excerpts of it, that maybe have six or seven or eight views, and you have to go to the second or the third or the fourth page to find my video on Rumble if you can even find it at all.

There have been times when I even know the exact title of the video, the show that I’m looking for, on Google, and yet I can barely find it. So, the theory of this lawsuit, which is that Google exploits its dominance, its market dominance, to destroy its competitors, is one that I personally know to be true. And that's why a court refused to dismiss Rumble’s lawsuit against Google, ensuring that Rumble now has the right to a very vast discovery about how Google manipulates its algorithms and its search engine and things. It should be very illuminating on this topic. But this is an example. Rumble spending its own money to sue Google for antitrust violations, or Trump and the Biden Justice Department suing Google, a very powerful company, to me are examples of genuine attempts to subvert and undermine Big Tech censorship and Big Tech monopolistic power, as opposed to the posturing that certain Republican members of Congress like Jim Jordan do. 

Now, let's look at the recent controversy that became very ugly and vitriolic but is, nonetheless, lurking within. It contains some really interesting points about this exact question, which is the controversy I'm sure you've heard, most of you, that arose between the very popular YouTuber Steven Crowder, who also has a show on this platform on Rumble, and Ben Shapiro's company, Daily Wire, which has become a remarkable success as a new right-wing media company. 

And what I really want to do is steadfastly avoid almost every single component of this dispute, many of which are personal, many of which became very ugly, involving things like people tape-recording each other without their authorization, particularly Stephen Crowder doing that to a Daily Wire executive, a bunch of allegations back and forth over ethics and other things. I also want to avoid the question of whether Steven Crowder is worth $50 million, or whether the Daily Wire really offered him a $50 million contract. All of those things are kind of interesting, in part, because they say a lot about independent media and the financial components of how independent media works. Also, all of us love drama, let's be honest. So, there are a lot of personality conflicts there that I just don't want to take my show's time to devote to and I don't think it's a good use of your time. 

So here are the key facts. Let's bring up the Forbes article from January 20, 2023. “Right-Wing Pundits Ben Shapiro and Steven Crowder Clash Over $50 Million Media Deal”. And I know a lot of you are thinking, why should I care about very rich conservative commentators fighting over a $50 million deal? And that's not an unreasonable position. But let's look at what the actual dispute was. 

In a video posted online this week, Crowder said that some outlets were “in bed with” tech companies and were colluding to ultimately monetize and censor right-wing views on social media platforms, though he didn't name any outlets specifically. […] Crowder also showed excerpts of a contract from one company – later confirmed to be The Daily Wire with the compensation penalizations if his programming faced loss of advertising revenue, including from advertiser boycotts, or if Crowder's channels were demonetized by social media platforms (Forbes. Jan, 20, 2023). 

So let me just stop here and just reduce this to its simplest terms. Well, obviously, Steven Crowder and The Daily Wire, as right-wing outlets and pundits are both vehemently hostile toward Big Tech. They denounce it with great regularity. They argue that Big Tech poses a grave threat to our national discourse and to our right to free speech as a result of their censorship.

And yet, says Steven Crowder, when The Daily Wire sent me a term sheet contained within in – it was a very generous offer – but it specifically says that if I am to be demonetized by YouTube or otherwise de-platformed or penalized by other Big Tech companies such as Facebook and Twitter and Instagram, I will end up being penalized significant amounts of penalties as a result of my following outside of the lines of Big Tech.

And Stephen Crowder's argument is that what The Daily Wire's essentially doing is, on the one hand, telling their viewers and their subscribers that they're not just a business but a cause, and one of their main causes is fighting against Big Tech and trying to subvert Big Tech by creating an independent and self-sustaining media ecosystem that is independent of Big Tech and, therefore, guarantees free speech. But then, on the other hand, as they say, they're sending around contracts requiring their commentators to obey the limits imposed by Big Tech on what they can and can't say because if you step outside of those lines, you will be punished, which is another way of saying that The Daily Wire, it’s Stephen Crowder's argument, while pretending to its audience that they're subverting Big Tech, in fact, instead, is doing the opposite in order to profit as much as possible, which is fortifying Big Tech's power by telling all of their commentators, you had better obey the limits they impose on you or else you will lose huge amounts of revenue.

So, let's look at Steven Crowder himself. He went on the show hosted by Tim Pool, where he talked about what he claims was his primary motive in essentially blowing the whistle on what he says he regards as deceit within conservative media when it comes to whether or not they're really opposed to Big Tech as they tell their viewers or whether they're in bed with them. Let's take a look at a couple of clips: 

(VIDEO  46:41)

Steven Crowder: I said this is wrong, penalizing conservatives and I believe this to my absolute core, penalizing conservatives on behalf of Big Tech while taking money from people who are paying you, investing in you to fight Big Tech – That is what they're investing in. That is what Mug Club is investing in and that's what subscribers are investing in – while simultaneously penalizing consumers as fundamentally wrong. I had that conversation, and said, Look, just please give me your word you're not going to be doing this with other people who, as you well know, when you start in this industry, don't know better. 

Ok. So, he's basically saying, look, I don't even care about myself anymore. I don't want their $50 million. What I really want is for them to give me assurances that they won't do this to anyone else, that they won't do this to younger people. They will continue to fortify Big Tech's power of censorship by giving out contracts that highly incentivize people to obey Big Tech limitations. I, for example, don't have to care about what Big Tech decides is and is not permissible because I'm here on Rumble and I can say what I want here. But at the same time, if I were to be censored off Twitter, that could actually impact my ability to promote my show and be heard. So, I also have somewhat of an incentive to avoid that as well. But financially and in terms of the work I do and the journalism I do, there's no incentive for me to remain within Big Tech’s limits. That's what was true when I was at Substack as well. And that's why I went to those sites because the last thing I want to do is fortify a Big Tech censorship regime. I want to subvert it and fight against it by strengthening not Big Tech platforms, but those platforms that are designed at their core to undermine the censorship regime built by corporate media and the parts of the U.S. government, like the Security State and the rest. I want to undermine and subvert that and overthrow it, not fortify it. 

Here's another clip from Steven Crowder on why he thinks the Daily Wire contract deceives their audience by doing the opposite of what they claim. 

(Video 48:02 )

Steven Crowder: There are good people at YouTube. There are some good people there who want, but their hands are tied. And guess what? Everyone else's hands are tied. If you say, Hey, we're all trying to fight this system that exists, but you're not, you're mandating that you exist within the system. Only one person is saying, Hey, you know what? If you want to be monetizing, you don't. That's fine. And one is saying you have to fit into this box. 

All right. Let's look at one more. He's pretty much making the same point, but let's just give him his due and hear what he has to say. 

(Video 50:19)

Steven Crowder: But there is this jockeying for position with people who they see as competition. And the issue here that I have always made clear is the locking in of these punitive contracts that mandate and enforce Big Tech policies and guidelines as a matter of business, and that hurts creators. 

So that argument standing on its own seems to me inherently reasonable. If you are saying on the one hand that a major cause of yours is overthrowing the regime of Big Tech, and then on the other, you're highly incentivizing people, in fact, requiring them, essentially, to obey whatever limits Big Tech happens to impose, whatever side of the bed YouTube wakes up on or Facebook wakes up on, and decides that you're now, I'd say this or not, you're now required by your self-interest to stay within the limits, it's very hard to authentically claim that you're fighting a system that you're in fact fortifying. That seems to me on its face to be a reasonable argument and an important one. Because if right-wing media outlets that are claiming to be the mortal enemies of Big Tech, presenting themselves as this huge menace to the hegemonic force of Big Tech are in fact inextricably linked to them and want to stay linked to them because of the millions of dollars they make from them, that seems like a real conflict, a problem – a big problem to me – that he is exposing. 

But let's look at the response from the CEO of The Daily Wire, who, I think, did a very good job laying out, from a business perspective, why it makes sense for The Daily Wire to want to earn profit from Big Tech. Big Tech is a huge industry. I mean, if I wanted to build the biggest audience possible, as quickly as possible, I probably would go on YouTube and not Rumble. YouTube is still way, way bigger than Rumble, even though Rumble is growing rapidly and gives me enough of an audience to make the show successful and I believe will keep growing. If I were just interested in how to monetize the show, I would probably go to YouTube. But since I'm not interested only in that, I'm interested in the cause. Here I am in Rumble and not YouTube. So, Daily Wire's response is a business response that is essentially the way we make the most profit is by adhering to Big Tech limits. Here's what he has to say. 

(Video 53:04)

J. Boreing, The Daily Wire:  If the content simply cannot appear and therefore cannot not only be used for marketing, cannot be used to grow, the brand also can't be monetized. Well, we can't pay him the same as if it was. If you're making 25% of your money on YouTube and now YouTube is permanently gone, you can't make that money anymore. It's not punishment. And this is really what it comes down to Steven’s philosophy seems to be: I deserve to be paid millions and millions and millions of dollars. Whether my show drives the revenue or not. That's not a business relationship. He's not looking for a business relationship. It's looking for a benefactor. The Daily Wire is not a nonprofit. We aren't benefactors. We're a business. We only get to eat what we kill. 

I mean, I don't think any of you who have seen The Daily Wire or Ben Shapiro would doubt that they’re a business, they're looking to make money. And that's fine. That's legal in the United States. That's capitalism. But that is different than claiming that you're pursuing it because oftentimes those things are aligned and in other instances, they're in conflict. And the question is when they're in conflict, which do you choose? Now, as I said, it's not always easy. You can't completely insulate yourself from Big Tech if you want to be a viable business. But if you present yourself as a cause, a political cause, the reason people give you money is because they agree with your cause, there do have to be some occasions in which you're willing to sacrifice more and more profit and self-enrichment. These guys are all very, very rich already. There has to be a moment when you're willing to say, I'm willing to sacrifice some profit, some money, in the name of the cause that I am convincing people I support – and in getting money from them on the basis of having convinced them of that. But all of these answers are about the business of The Daily Wire, the profiteering of The Daily Wire. Let's look at one more just to make sure he has his due as well. 

(Video 50:57)

J. Boreing, The Daily Wire: I mean, I mentioned it before. Stephen created this idea of piss-off YouTube segment at Mug Club, and I saw it and thought it was genius. What does it mean? It means Stephen can go on YouTube, and speak to a huge audience – in fact, most of his audience, that's where they engage with him, right? The subscribers are a very small percentage of Stephen's audience. Mug club is a very small percentage of his audience. YouTube is the vast, overwhelming majority of Stephen's audience. He can go on there and he can be risqué and he can do what he wants to do. But he can be calculated, too. And he can say there are some things that I simply can't say here because these bastards hate free speech, for those things come over to my club and become a subscriber. And then for 30 minutes a day at The Blaze, he could say whatever he wanted.

 

And I thought that was a genius thing. And I implemented it at Daily Wire because I was inspired by Stephen, who again, very talented guy, a very smart guy. This is just meant to say the same thing. Hey, I want you to be thoughtful about what you say on the free part of the show. Doesn't mean I want you to say things that aren't true. Doesn't mean I want you to say things you don't believe. That doesn’t mean I want you to bend the knee to Big Tech. What it means is I want you to preserve the revenue as best you can, preserve the audience as best you can, and then tell people there's a reason we're building these multi, multi, multi, multimillion-dollar platforms. There's a reason we have subscribers and so that there is a place where they can't take our voice away. They can't tell us what to say. 

So, what he is essentially saying is, look, we're not pure or even close to it but neither is Steven Crowder, since Steven Crowder, whose primary profits come from his show on YouTube, I believe he's already been demonetized, but the millions of views that he racks up is what then enables him as well to promote the parts of his show that are kind of behind the scenes that you have to pay in order to watch. And that's where he goes, Steven Crowder, to say the things that he's not able to say on YouTube. 

So, what you see here is this attempt on both of their parts to figure out how to grapple with the reality that you need to use Big Tech, you need to exploit them in order to be able to be heard. Because if you're not heard, if no one watches you, if you make no money and can't fund a studio and can't fund a staff, you can't have any impact. So that is true. There is a reality to it. As I was saying before, the hegemonic force of Big Tech means they're inescapable. As I said, I use them myself. But what you can't do is while claiming to people that you are devoted to this cause, simultaneously, use their money to fortify the very system you claim that you're fighting. And I think the issue becomes that there are people whose primary aim in life is to make as much money as possible.

And that's fine, as I said, if that satisfies them. I'm a big believer that people should pursue whatever provides them the most self-actualization. And if having a third house or a Lamborghini or a yacht or taking your family to shopping trips on a private jet to Paris to go shopping in boutiques is something that gives you purpose and pleasure in life, you're certainly permitted to pursue that. But I don't think what you should then be simultaneously doing is telling people that they should give you money because you're here to fight for a cause. Because fighting for a cause necessarily, by definition, means that in those instances when there's a clash between your economic self-interest on the one hand and that cause on the other, that at least on some occasions not all, but on some, you're going to forgo material and economic gain in pursuit of that cause, or else it's not a cause.

And I think as a discerning consumer, everybody should be very conscious of whether your political passions are being served and advanced or whether they're being exploited. And as I said, I wasn't here to kind of arbitrate who is right and wrong. I don't want to kind of spit fire and brimstone at anybody because I don't think it's a case that calls for that. There are complexities here. But at the end of the day, people should be able to demonstrate to you if they want to convince you that they're genuine, that there are times when they've sacrificed their own self-interest for the cause, especially if and that's true of all the people involved here, they're already extremely wealthy people. They're not people who are making choices on how to put food in their children's mouths. So, I find that episode interesting. 

Let's move to a different episode, which is equally interesting as well. As we've covered on the show a lot, Elon Musk bought Twitter also claiming he did so not purely for economic gain but for a cause. And that cause, at least one of them, was to restore free speech to Twitter because political censorship is so harmful. And yet we've already seen on several occasions, Elon Musk seemingly violating the principles he waved the banner of when he purchased Twitter and got people excited about that cause. 

I think we saw that first when he banned Kanye West from Twitter after first unbanning him. When Kanye West went to the Alex Jones's show and talked about how much he loved Hitler, and then the next day went onto Twitter and posted a symbol that was a synthesis of a star of David and a swastika. That was obviously a speech deeply offensive to the vast majority of people, to put it mildly, but under no circumstances did it violate any of Twitter's rules. And yet, Elon Musk banned Kanye West from his platform, largely because I think you couldn't have a hospitable place for corporate advertisers and have Kanye West on your platform talking about how much he loves Jews and posting swastikas.

And so, this rationale got concocted that the reason Kanye West was banned was because he was inciting violence. Remember, Elon Musk said that his understanding of free speech absolutism is that anything that is legal will be permitted and what's illegal will not be. And we did a whole show on this. Under Supreme Court law, there is no conceivable possibility at all that Kanye West could be prosecuted criminally for anything that he said, let alone for anything he said on Twitter. So, Musk banning him violated Elon Musk's own principle about how he said he was going to advance the cause of free speech.

The same thing happened yesterday when Nick Fuentes, who most definitely is well outside the realm of what most people consider to be acceptable discourse, went onto Twitter because he had been unbanned after, I think, a year of being banned from the platform, he got unbanned and he went back on Twitter. He lasted not even a full day. He began talking about the dangers of Jewish power, and the need to fight against Jewish power, things Kanye West has been saying as well. Just the kind of speech that is generally deemed off-limits in decent society. But Nick Fuentes also did nothing and said nothing conceivably illegal, the question of why Elon Musk banned Nick Fuentes, now, again, you have some complexities here. 

In order for Elon Musk to run Twitter, Twitter has to be financially viable, and, perhaps, in order for it to be financially viable, you need to kick off everybody who talks about Jews and the power that they wield because that's just a topic that is sustainable with attracting advertisers. Maybe that's the case. Well, then be honest about that. Say that that's the reason you're doing it. You're doing it against your will. You wish you didn't have to. You say you're a free speech absolutist, but unfortunately, it's not compatible with Twitter's ongoing sustainability. And instead of inventing obviously fake reasons, unsustainably fake reasons like, oh, they're inciting violence, in order to pretend that the standard you created, which is anything illegal, will be banned and anything legal permitted is somehow consistent with the banning of those two people when it clearly isn't. 

Another instance was reported by The Intercept today. The headline is “Elon Musk Caves to Pressure From India to Remove a BBC Doc Critical of [Indian Prime Minister Narendra] Modi”. So, there you see the text of the article, “Twitter and YouTube” – not just Twitter, but also YouTube – censored a report critical of Indian Prime Minister Modi in coordination with the government of India.

Officials called for the Big Tech companies to take action against a BBC documentary exploring Modi's role in a genocidal 2002 massacre in the Indian state of Gujarat, which the officials deemed a “propaganda piece.” In a series of posts, Kanchan Gupta, senior adviser at the Indian government's Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, denounced the BBC documentary as “hostile propaganda and anti-Indian garbage.” He said that both Twitter and YouTube had been ordered to block links to the film before adding that the platforms “have complied with the directions.” Gupta's statements coincided with posts from Twitter users in India who claim to have shared links to the documentary but whose posts were later removed and replaced with a legal notice. […] “The government has sent hundreds of requests to different social media platforms, especially YouTube and Twitter, to take down the posts that share snippets or links to the documentary,” Indian journalist Raqib Hameed Naik told The Intercept. “And shamefully, the companies are complying with their demands and have taken down numerous videos and posts” (The Intercept. Jan. 24, 2023). 

Now here's The Intercept’s opening:

This act of censorship – wiping away allegations of crimes against humanity committed by a foreign leader – sets a worrying tone for Twitter, especially in light of its new management. […] Modi's government in India regularly applied pressure to Twitter in an attempt to bend the social media platform to its will. At one point, the government threatened to arrest Twitter staff in the country over their refusal to ban accounts run by critics. […]

Twitter's moves at the behest of Modi's government bode ill for Musk’s claims to be running the company with an aim of protecting free speech. While Musk has felt fine wading into U.S. culture wars on behalf of conservatives, he has been far more reticent to take a stand about the far dire threats to free speech from autocratic governments (The Intercept. Jan. 24, 2023). 

I think the reporting is accurate. I think the opining is tendentious for reasons I'm going to explain in the context of Brazil. 

Now, before I do that, let me just remind you of an incident that happened with Rumble. That was very similar to the one that just happened in India, where India ordered Twitter and Facebook to remove a documentary that it claims was fake news and threatened those platforms that they would be banned in India, a huge country, if they failed to comply. And Twitter and Facebook complied out of fear of losing access to the Indian market. In November of last year, just a few months ago, the French government ordered Rumble to cease platforming Russian media, including RT and Sputnik. You may recall that the EU made it illegal for social media platforms to allow Russian state media on their platform, even if those platforms want to offer them and even if people want to see them. And even though Rumble is not a European company and therefore not subject to EU law, it's a Canadian company based in the United States, the French government reached out to Rumble and said, "We demand that you censor RT if you want to stay in France.”

And instead of obeying, the way Twitter just did to India and Facebook just did to India, Rumble said No. Rumble said No, thank you. We would prefer to make our own decisions about whom we keep on our platform. We're not going to obey your censorship orders. You're a foreign government. We have no democratic control over what you do, and we're not going to obey your censorship orders. And we would rather lose access to the French market than obey your orders about whom we can and can't platform. And that's why, to this day, if French citizens not using a technology that scrambles where they're from, try to watch my show or any other show on Rumble, they will get a message saying Rumble is unavailable in France as a result of their refusal to obey the censorship orders of France. 

That is what a company does when they're truly committed to preserving free speech. That is an example of sacrificing your self-interest. Access to the entire country of France in pursuit of the goal of free speech that you claim you're having. I think Rumble deserves a lot of credit. 

Now, there's a complexity there, too, which is that France is not an important part of Rumble's overall business at the moment. I think it's something like less than 1% of our normal viewers are in France. Losing access to France does not really affect Rumble’s business right now, though it certainly could in the future. Rumble intends to grow in most countries, including in France, but, nonetheless, it would obviously be better for Rumble to be available in France, and it chose to sacrifice its business self-interest. Rather than do something that it says it's against doing, which is taking censorship orders from countries. This is behavior that we want to encourage. Not having every company bend the knee to a Big Tech on the grounds that, well, we need to do so for our own self-interest, that the way that the Daily Wire is doing, the way that Twitter and Facebook did when it came to India, or rather I'm sorry, I keep saying Facebook. I believe it's YouTube that did it. But Facebook does the same thing on many occasions. 

Now, as some of you know, I've been heavily involved in the debate over censorship here in Brazil. We've reported several times on what's been going on in Brazil. Last Friday, we reported on a really shocking censorship order that we were the first to report in which a single judge on the Brazilian Supreme Court, Alexandre de Moraes, issued this order that we showed you – we translated into English – addressed to Facebook, Rumble, Telegram, Tik Tok, Twitter, and YouTube, ordering all six of those platforms to immediately, within two hours, ban a long list of people, some of whom are elected officials in Brazil – including the candidate who ran for Congress and got the most votes in Brazil, Nicolas Ferreira, 26-year-old Bolsonaro supporter, got 1.4 million votes – and all you see here is no specific allegation they’ve done anything wrong, not pointing to any statement they made allegedly illegal, let alone evidence or accusations. It's just a list of people. This judge ordered them censored immediately and said you have two hours to do so. And if you don't, you will be fined a large amount of money, 100,000 Brazilian reais every day, which is $20,000. And then, at the end, it says, ‘we demand that you keep this confidential.’ 

We got a hold of it. We revealed it. The people on this list had no idea that they were targeted by the sentence. It was done in secret. They had no due process, and, as a result, this judge is becoming more and more controversial. Just today, there's an article from the AP that actually does a very good job of covering this debate here in Brazil, and why this judge is out of control. Censorship powers are starting to contaminate the right to free speech and a free Internet in other countries. 

You see here the article headlined “Crusading Judge has the Boundaries of Free Speech in Brazil”. And I'll show you a couple of paragraphs: 

In the wake of this month's attack on Brazil's Congress presidential palace and Supreme Court by a mob of Bolsonaro supporters seeking to overturn the recent election, Judge de Moraes’ role as a chief judicial power broker has expanded further. Some accuse de Moraes of overstepping in the name of protecting Brazilian democracy from the twin threats of political violence and disinformation. Others view his brash tactics as justified by extraordinary circumstances. “Our democracy is in a situation of extreme risk, so it is understandable that some exceptional restrictions be put in place, said Juliana Cesário Alvim, a human rights professor at the Federal University of Minas Gerais, who has researched the Supreme Court's decisions. “But that doesn't mean there shouldn't be criticism of how these cases are handled (AP. Jan. 25, 2023). 

It essentially covers the whole debate with the left and the media united saying that Brazil is under such threat that we need to go very far and be very radical in censoring everybody who supports the Bolsonaro movement and others, including myself. But a lot of Brazilian specialists in law and politics saying that what you're essentially doing is installing an authoritarian regime in the name of defending democracy, a lesson that we've seen over and over in the United States when the Bush government, the Bush-Cheney government, adopted a lot of radical powers domestically in the name of protecting democracy; something we've seen throughout Europe, where they claim they have to protect democracy by censoring more and more. 

And so, you see this list of social media companies who have been ordered to obey the censorship order. So far, all of them have. If you go on Twitter, for example, Elon Musk’s Twitter, and you look for the names of these people, you will find, if you're in Brazil, you will see it says the account withheld as a result of legal order in Brazil. So the same thing on Facebook, the same thing on Instagram. You can actually find Monark, the person who we interviewed and he's on Rumble. But I don't know what Rumble's position is. I just see that Monark pays just a lot. 

But Telegram today announced that it was refusing to obey this order when it came to that person in Brazil that I mentioned, Nicolas Ferreira, who just got the most votes of anybody when running for Congress, and Telegram is saying they refuse to obey the order. 

Here you see an article from the Rio Times, the headline of which is “Telegram ignores Brazil's Migration Decision and Does Not Block Conservative Congressman's Account”. 

For those of you who don't know, Telegram is an app that is specifically designed to protect the privacy and free speech rights of its users. It debuted in August of 2013, just two or three months after we began the Snowden reporting. That was one of its primary impulses, which was to say we are going to protect your privacy because we now know that States are invading your privacy. But also many people who have been censored off platforms have gone to Telegram, which is very devoted to protecting people's free speech rights. And so, they have announced that at least for now, they're ignoring the order of the Supreme Court judge and they sent him a letter.

And this is what the letter says: “The telegram messaging application refused to block the channel of elected federal parliamentarian Nicholas Ferreira”. [There you see the PL, which is Bolsonaro's party.] “In a letter sent to the Supreme Court. Alexandre de Moraes, the company's lawyers asked that the block be reconsidered and the company stated that many court decisions for the removal of content are made with, “generic grounds” and in a disproportionate way,” according to Globo, which is a newspaper in Brazil. The company's demonstration occurred in the inquiry investigating the “anti-democratic acts” created out of thin air by de Moraes to persecute conservative Brazilians”. 

In other words, what Telegram did was what Twitter and YouTube refused to do in the face of India's demands and what Twitter under Elon Musk and others refused to do in the face of Brazil's demands, which is to block all of these accounts. I believe Twitter and a few other companies are appealing the order in Brazil, but in the meantime, they're obeying it by banning all of those people's accounts. Telegram, on the other hand, is saying, we don't care.

We're not obeying this because you didn't even give us any specific reason in the censorship order why we should believe these people deserve to be censored, let alone evidence justifying the allegation that they've done anything wrong, let alone any due process or the ability for them to go and contest the order. And therefore, in the name of democracy, given that this person was just voted by 1.4 million Brazilians to represent them in Congress, we are going to disobey your order and we're asking you to reconsider it. Instead of reconsidering the order or giving them an opportunity for their lawyers to come in and argue, just before we went on there, Judge de Moraes already announced that he is now imposing fines on Telegram. 

A year ago, Judge de Moraes sent a bunch of censorship orders to Telegram, and when they didn't comply, he threatened that he would block Telegram from the entire country. And that's likely what's going to happen here again if Telegram doesn't pay these fines or if they don't immediately ban this congressman's account, my guess is that this judge will do what he's done before, which is ban the entire platform from being in Brazil, much the way that Rumble is now unavailable in France. 

The question, though, is what will happen if Elon Musk's or Facebook or YouTube under Google decides that they're actually going to for once not just pretend to oppose core censorship by states but use the power that they have to defy it. 

Imagine if Twitter and YouTube and Instagram stood by Telegram and Rumble and said, we too are going to disobey your order. What then would happen? Would the Brazilian Supreme Court or the Indian Supreme Court cut off their entire country from basically the entire Internet by banning Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube in all of Brazil or all of India? Would the population tolerate that? At some point, if you're going to claim that you're a platform devoted to free speech, the way Rumble and Telegram are doing, you need to step up and be willing to at least risk some of your self-interest to prove that you're authentic in that cause, like I said, the way Rumble and Telegram have done. 

But for now, Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube, despite being insanely and unimaginably rich as corporations, refused to do so. And that means that these governments will continue to be able to exercise the center of power because Telegram is a site that's really only for dissidents. You only care about using Telegram when your party is out of power. And so Brazilian leftists don't need Telegram. They're not at risk of being censored or surveilled. Their party is in power, so they don't care if Telegram is banned, but they would care if Twitter and Facebook and YouTube, and Instagram are banned.

In all of these cases, the common theme is that companies that tell you that they have a certain cause, politicians who tell you that, or media personalities who tell you that they believe in a certain cause and that, therefore, you should support them because of it, until they're willing to show you that not necessarily in every case, but at least in some cases, they're willing to sacrifice their own self-interest in pursuit of that cause, you should harbor very serious doubts about the authenticity of that claim. 


We will be back tomorrow night, here, on Rumble, at 7 p.m. EST, and every night, which is our regular time, and then, come back tomorrow night for an interactive show on Locals as well. 

Thanks, everybody for watching, and have a great evening. 

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For years, U.S. officials and their media allies accused Russia, China and Iran of tyranny for demanding censorship as a condition for Big Tech access. Now, the U.S. is doing the same to TikTok. Listen below.

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Good news about your Locals membership and our move to Substack

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February 25, 2026

There was a question in a survey I took today about Glenn.

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NEW: Message from Glenn to Locals Members About Substack, System Update, and Subscriptions

Hello Locals members:

I wanted to make sure you are updated on what I regard as the exciting changes we announced on Friday night’s program, as well as the status of your current membership.

As most of you likely know, we announced on our Friday night show that that SYSTEM UPDATE episode would be the last one under the show’s current format (if you would like to watch it, you can do so here). As I explained when announcing these changes, producing and hosting a nightly video-based show has been exhilarating and fulfilling, but it also at times has been a bit draining and, most importantly, an impediment to doing other types of work that have always formed the core of my journalism: namely, longer-form written articles and deep investigations.

We have produced three full years of SYSTEM UPDATE episodes on Rumble (our premiere show was December 10, 2022). And while we will continue to produce video content similar to the kinds of segments that composed the show, they won’t be airing live every night at 7:00 p.m. Eastern, but instead will be posted periodically throughout the week (as we have been doing over the last couple of months both on Rumble and on our YouTube channel here).

To enlarge the scope of my work, I am returning to Substack as the central hub for my journalism, which is where I was prior to launching SYSTEM UPDATE on Rumble. In addition to long-form articles, Substack enables a wide array of community-based features, including shorter-form written items that can be posted throughout the day to stimulate conversation among members, a page for guest writers, and new podcast and video features. You can find our redesigned Substack here; it is launching with new content on Monday.

For our current Locals subscribers, you can continue to stay at Locals or move to Substack, whichever you prefer. For any video content and long-form articles that we publish for paying Substack members, we will cross-post them here on Locals (for members only), meaning that your Locals subscription will continue to give you full access to our journalism. 

When I was last at Substack, we published some articles without a paywall in order to ensure the widest possible reach. My expectation is that we will do something similar, though there will be a substantial amount of exclusive content solely for our subscribers. 

We are working on other options to convert your Locals membership into a Substack membership, depending on your preference. But either way, your Locals membership will continue to provide full access to the articles and videos we will publish on both platforms.

Although I will miss producing SYSTEM UPDATE on a (more or less) nightly basis, I really believe that these changes will enable the expansion of my journalism, both in terms of quality and reach. We are very grateful to our Locals members who have played such a vital role over the last three years in supporting our work, and we hope to continue to provide you with true independent journalism into the future.

— Glenn Greenwald   

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Despite that $100 million repayment in 2008 to Wexner, Epstein had accumulated so much wealth through his involvement with Wexner that it barely made a dent. He was able to successfully “pilfer” such a mind-boggling amount of money because he had been given virtually unconstrained access to, and power over, every aspect of Wexner’s life. Wexner even gave Epstein power of attorney and had him oversee his children’s trusts. And Epstein, several years later, created a similar role with Leon Black, one of the richest hedge fund billionaires of his generation.

 

Epstein’s 2008 conviction and imprisonment due to his guilty plea on a charge of “soliciting a minor for prostitution” began mildly hindering his access to the world’s billionaires. It was at this time that he lost Wexner as his font of wealth due to Wexner’s belief that Epstein stole from him.

 

But Epstein’s world was salvaged, and ultimately thrived more than ever, as a result of the seemingly full-scale dependence that Leon Black developed on Epstein. As he did with Wexner, Epstein insinuated himself into every aspect of the billionaire’s life — financial, political, and personal — and, in doing so, obtained innate, immense power over Black.

 


 

The recently released Epstein files depict the blackmail and extortion schemes to which Black was subjected. One of the most vicious and protracted arose out of a six-year affair he carried on with a young Russian model, who then threatened in 2015 to expose everything to Black’s wife and family, and “ruin his life,” unless he paid her $100 million. But Epstein himself also implicitly, if not overtly, threatened Black in order to extract millions more in payments after Black, in 2016, sought to terminate their relationship.

 

While the sordid matter of Black’s affair has been previously reported — essentially because the woman, Guzel Ganieva, went public and sued Black, accusing him of “rape and assault,” even after he paid her more than $9 million out of a $21 million deal he made with her to stay silent — the newly released emails provide very vivid and invasive details about how desperately Black worked to avoid public disclosure of his sex life. The broad outlines of these events were laid out in a Bloomberg report on Sunday, but the text of emails provide a crucial look into how these blackmail schemes in Epstein World operated.

 

Epstein was central to all of this. That is why the emails describing all of this in detail are now publicly available: because they were all sent by Black or his lawyers to Epstein, and are thus now part of the Epstein Files.

 

Once Ganieva began blackmailing and extorting Black with her demands for $100 million — which she repeatedly said was her final, non-negotiable offer — Black turned to Epstein to tell him how to navigate this. (Black’s other key advisor was Brad Karp, who was forced to resign last week as head of the powerful Paul, Weiss law firm due to his extensive involvement with Epstein).

 

From the start of Ganieva’s increasingly unhinged threats against Black, Epstein became a vital advisor. In 2015, Epstein drafted a script for what he thought Black should tell his mistress, and emailed that script to himself.

 

Epstein included an explicit threat that Black would have Russian intelligence — the Federal Security Service (FSB) — murder Ganieva, because, Epstein argued, failure to resolve this matter with an American businessman important to the Russian economy would make her an “enemy of the state” in the eyes of the Russian government. Part of Epstein’s suggested script for Black is as follows (spelling and grammatical errors maintained from the original correspondents):

 

you should also know that I felt it necessary to contact some friends in FSB, and I though did not give them your name. They explained to me in no uncertain terms that especially now , when Russia is trying to bring in outside investors , as you know the economy sucks, and desperately investment that a person that would attempt to blackmail a us businessman would immeditaly become in the 21 century, what they terms . vrag naroda meant in the 20th they translated it for me as the enemy of the people, and would e dealt with extremely harshly , as it threatened the economies of teh country. So i expect never ever to hear a threat from you again.

 

In a separate email to Karp, Black’s lawyer, Epstein instructs him to order surveillance on the woman’s whereabouts by using the services of Nardello & Co., a private spy and intelligence agency used by the world’s richest people.

 

Black’s utter desperation for Ganieva not to reveal their affair is viscerally apparent from the transcripts of multiple lunches he had with her throughout 2015, which he secretly tape-recorded. His law firm, Paul, Weiss, had those recordings transcribed, and those were sent to Epstein.

 

To describe these negotiations as torturous would be an understatement. But it is worth taking a glimpse to see how easily and casually blackmail and extortion were used in this world.

 

Leon Black is a man worth $13 billion, yet his life appears utterly consumed by having to deal constantly with all sorts of people (including Epstein) demanding huge sums of money from him, accompanied by threats of various kinds. Epstein was central to helping him navigate through all of this blackmail and extortion, and thus, he was obviously fully privy to all of Black’s darkest secrets.

 


 

At their first taped meeting on August 14, 2015, Black repeatedly offered his mistress a payment package of $1 million per year for the next 12 years, plus an up-front investment fund of £2 million for her to obtain a visa to live with her minor son in the UK. But Ganieva repeatedly rejected those offers, instead demanding a lump sum of no less than $100 million, threatening him over and over that she would destroy his life if he did not pay all of it.

 

Black was both astounded and irritated that she thought a payment package of $15 million was somehow abusive and insulting. He emphasized that he was willing to negotiate it upward, but she was adamant that it had to be $100 million or nothing, an amount Black insisted he could not and would not pay.

 

When pressed to explain where she derived that number, Ganieva argued that she considered the two to be married (even though Black was long married to another woman), thereby entitling her to half of what he earned during those years. Whenever Black pointed out that they only had sex once a month or so for five or six years in an apartment he rented for her, and that they never even lived together, she became offended and enraged and repeatedly hardened her stance.

 

Over and over, they went in circles for hours across multiple meetings. Many times, Black tried flattery: telling her how much he cared for her and assuring her that he considered her brilliant and beautiful. Everything he tried seemed to backfire and to solidify her $100 million blackmail price tag. (In the transcripts, “JD” refers to “John Doe,” the name the law firm used for Black; the redacted initials are for Ganieva):

 



 

On other occasions during their meetings, Ganieva insisted that she was entitled to $100 million because Black had “ruined” her life. He invariably pointed out how much money he had given her over the years, to say nothing of the $15 million he was now offering her, and expressed bafflement at how she could see it that way.

 

In response, Ganieva would insist that a “cabal” of Black’s billionaire friends — led by Michael Bloomberg, Mort Zuckerman, and Len Blavatnik — had conspired with Black to ruin her reputation. Other times, she blamed Black for speaking disparagingly of her to destroy her life. Other times, she claimed that people in multiple cities — New York, London, Moscow — were monitoring and following her and trying to kill her. This is but a fraction of the exchanges they had, as he alternated between threatening her with prison and flattering her with praise, while she kept saying she did not care about the consequences and would ruin his life unless she was paid the full amount:

 



 

By their last taped meeting in October, Ganieva appeared more willing to negotiate the amount of the payment. The duo agreed to a payment package in return for her silence; it included Black’s payments to her of $100,000 per month for the next 12 years (or $1.2 million per year for 12 years), as well as other benefits that exceeded a value of $5 million. They signed a contract formalizing what they called a “non-disclosure agreement,” and he made the payments to her for several years on time. The ultimate total value to be paid was $21 million.

 

Unfortunately for Black, these hours of misery, and the many millions paid to her, were all for naught. In March, 2021, Ganieva — despite Black’s paying the required amounts — took to Twitter to publicly accuse Black of “raping and assaulting” her, and further claimed that he “trafficked” her to Epstein in Miami without her consent, to force her to have sex with Epstein.

 

As part of these public accusations, Ganieva spilled all the beans on the years-long affair the two had: exactly what Black had paid her millions of dollars to keep quiet. When Black denied her accusations, she sued him for both defamation and assault. Her case was ultimately dismissed, and she sacrificed all the remaining millions she was to receive in an attempt to destroy his life.

 

Meanwhile, in 2021, Black was forced out of the hedge fund that made him a billionaire and which he had co-founded, Apollo Global Management, as a result of extensive public disclosures about his close ties to Epstein, who, two years earlier, had been arrested, became a notorious household name, and then died in prison. As a result of all that, and the disclosures from his mistress, Black — just like his ex-mistress — came to believe he was the victim of a “cabal.” He sued his co-founder at Apollo, the billionaire Josh Harris, as well as Ganieva and a leading P.R. firm on RICO charges, alleging that they all conspired to destroy his reputation and drive him out of Apollo. Black’s RICO case was dismissed.

 

Black’s fear that these disclosures would permanently destroy his reputation and standing in society proved to be prescient. An independent law firm was retained by Apollo to investigate his relationship with Epstein. Despite the report’s conclusion that Black had done nothing illegal, he has been forced off multiple boards that he spent tens of millions of dollars to obtain, including the highly prestigious post of Chair of the Museum of Modern Art, which he received after compiling one of the world’s largest and most expensive collections, only to lose that position due to Epstein associations.

 

So destroyed is Leon Black’s reputation from these disclosures that a business relationship between Apollo and the company Lifetouch — an 80-year-old company that captures photos of young school children — resulted in many school districts this week cancelling photo shoots involving this company, even though the company never appeared once in the Epstein files. But any remote association with Black — once a pillar of global high society — is now deemed so toxic that it can contaminate anything, no matter how removed from Epstein.

 


 

None of this definitively proves anything like a global blackmail ring overseen by Epstein and/or intelligence agencies. But it does leave little doubt that Epstein was not only very aware of the valuable leverage such sexual secrets gave him, but also that he used it when he needed to, including with Leon Black. Epstein witnessed up close how many millions Black was willing to pay to prevent public disclosure in a desperate attempt to preserve his reputation and marriage.

 

In October, The New York Times published a long examination of what was known at the time about the years-long relationship between Black and Epstein. In 2016, Black seemingly wanted to stop paying Epstein the tens of millions each year he had been paying him. But Epstein was having none of it.

 

Far from speaking to Black as if Epstein were an employee or paid advisor, he spoke to the billionaire in threatening, menacing, highly demanding, and insulting terms:

 

Jeffrey Epstein was furious. For years, he had relied on the billionaire Leon Black as his primary source of income, advising him on everything from taxes to his world-class art collection. But by 2016, Mr. Black seemed to be reluctant to keep paying him tens of millions of dollars a year.

So Mr. Epstein threw a tantrum.

One of Mr. Black’s other financial advisers had created “a really dangerous mess,” Mr. Epstein wrote in an email to Mr. Black. Another was “a waste of money and space.” He even attacked Mr. Black’s children as “retarded” for supposedly making a mess of his estate.

The typo-strewn tirade was one of dozens of previously unreported emails reviewed by The New York Times in which Mr. Epstein hectored Mr. Black, at times demanding tens of millions of dollars beyond the $150 million he had already been paid.

The pressure campaign appeared to work. Mr. Black, who for decades was one of the richest and highest-profile figures on Wall Street, continued to fork over tens of millions of dollars in fees and loans, albeit less than Mr. Epstein had been seeking.

 

The mind-bogglingly massive size of Black’s payments to Epstein over the years for “tax advice” made no rational sense. Billionaires like Black are not exactly known for easily or willingly parting with money that they do not have to pay. They cling to money, which is how many become billionaires in the first place.

 

As the Times article put it, Black’s explanation for these payments to Epstein “puzzled many on Wall Street, who have asked why one of the country’s richest men would pay Mr. Epstein, a college dropout, so much more than what prestigious law firms would charge for similar services.”

 

Beyond Black’s payments to Epstein himself, he also “wired hundreds of thousands of dollars to at least three women who were associated with Mr. Epstein.” And all of this led to Epstein speaking to Black not the way one would speak to one’s most valuable client or to one’s boss, but rather spoke to him in terms of non-negotiable ultimatums, notably similar to the tone used by Black’s mistress-turned-blackmailer:

 


Email from Jeffrey Epstein to Leon Black, dated November 2, 2015.

 

When Black did not relent, Epstein’s demands only grew more aggressive. In one email, he told Black: “I think you should pay the 25 [million] that you did not for this year. For next year it's the same 40 [million] as always, paid 20 [million] in jan and 20 [million] in july, and then we are done.” At one point, Epstein responded to Black’s complaints about a cash crunch (a grievance Black also tried using with his mistress) with offers to take payment from Black in the form of real estate, art, or financing for Epstein’s plane:

 


Email from Jeffrey Epstein to Leon Black, dated March 16, 2016.

 

With whatever motives, Black succumbed to Epstein’s pressure and kept paying him massive sums, including $20 million at the start of 2017, and then another $8 million just a few months later, in April.

 

Epstein had access to virtually every part of Black’s life, as he had with Wexner before that. He was in possession of all sorts of private information about their intimate lives, which would and could have destroyed them if he disclosed it, as evidenced by the reputational destruction each has suffered just from the limited disclosures about their relationship with Epstein, to say nothing of whatever else Epstein knew.

 

Leon Black was most definitely the target of extreme and aggressive blackmail and extortion over his sex life in at least one instance we know of, and Epstein was at the center of that, directing him. While Wall Street may have been baffled that Wexner and Black paid such sums to Epstein over the years, including after Black wanted to cut him off, it is quite easy to understand why they did so. That is particularly so as Epstein became angrier and more threatening, and as he began reminding Black of all the threats from which Epstein had long protected him. Epstein watched those exact tactics work for Black’s mistress.

 

The DOJ continues to insist it has no evidence of Epstein using his access to the most embarrassing parts of the private and sexual lives of the world’s richest and most powerful people for blackmail purposes. But we know for certain that blackmail was used in this world, and that Epstein was not only well aware of highly valuable secrets but was also paid enormous, seemingly irrational sums by billionaires whose lives he knew intimately.

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Amazon's Ring and Google's Nest Unwittingly Reveal the Severity of the U.S. Surveillance State
Just a decade after a global backlash was triggered by Snowden reporting on mass domestic surveillance, the state-corporate dragnet is stronger and more invasive than ever.

That the U.S. Surveillance State is rapidly growing to the point of ubiquity has been demonstrated over the past week by seemingly benign events. While the picture that emerges is grim, to put it mildly, at least Americans are again confronted with crystal clarity over how severe this has become.

 

The latest round of valid panic over privacy began during the Super Bowl held on Sunday. During the game, Amazon ran a commercial for its Ring camera security system. The ad manipulatively exploited people’s love of dogs to induce them to ignore the consequences of what Amazon was touting. It seems that trick did not work.

 

The ad highlighted what the company calls its “Search Party” feature, whereby one can upload a picture, for example, of a lost dog. Doing so will activate multiple other Amazon Ring cameras in the neighborhood, which will, in turn, use AI programs to scan all dogs, it seems, and identify the one that is lost. The 30-second commercial was full of heart-tugging scenes of young children and elderly people being reunited with their lost dogs.

 

But the graphic Amazon used seems to have unwittingly depicted how invasive this technology can be. That this capability now exists in a product that has long been pitched as nothing more than a simple tool for homeowners to monitor their own homes created, it seems, an unavoidable contract between public understanding of Ring and what Amazon was now boasting it could do.

 


Amazon’s Super Bowl ad for Ring and its “Search Party” feature.

 

Many people were not just surprised but quite shocked and alarmed to learn that what they thought was merely their own personal security system now has the ability to link with countless other Ring cameras to form a neighborhood-wide (or city-wide, or state-wide) surveillance dragnet. That Amazon emphasized that this feature is available (for now) only to those who “opt-in” did not assuage concerns.

 

Numerous media outlets sounded the alarm. The online privacy group Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) condemned Ring’s program as previewing “a world where biometric identification could be unleashed from consumer devices to identify, track, and locate anything — human, pet, and otherwise.”

 

Many private citizens who previously used Ring also reacted negatively. “Viral videos online show people removing or destroying their cameras over privacy concerns,” reported USA Today. The backlash became so severe that, just days later, Amazon — seeking to assuage public anger — announced the termination of a partnership between Ring and Flock Safety, a police surveillance tech company (while Flock is unrelated to Search Party, public backlash made it impossible, at least for now, for Amazon to send Ring’s user data to a police surveillance firm).

 

The Amazon ad seems to have triggered a long-overdue spotlight on how the combination of ubiquitous cameras, AI, and rapidly advancing facial recognition software will render the term “privacy” little more than a quaint concept from the past. As EFF put it, Ring’s program “could already run afoul of biometric privacy laws in some states, which require explicit, informed consent from individuals before a company can just run face recognition on someone.”

 

Those concerns escalated just a few days later in the context of the Tucson disappearance of Nancy Guthrie, mother of long-time TODAY Show host Savannah Guthrie. At the home where she lives, Nancy Guthrie used Google’s Nest camera for security, a product similar to Amazon’s Ring.

 

Guthrie, however, did not pay Google for a subscription for those cameras, instead solely using the cameras for real-time monitoring. As CBS News explained, “with a free Google Nest plan, the video should have been deleted within 3 to 6 hours — long after Guthrie was reported missing.” Even professional privacy advocates have understood that customers who use Nest without a subscription will not have their cameras connected to Google’s data servers, meaning that no recordings will be stored or available for any period beyond a few hours.

 

For that reason, Pima County Sheriff Chris Nanos announced early on “that there was no video available in part because Guthrie didn’t have an active subscription to the company.” Many people, for obvious reasons, prefer to avoid permanently storing comprehensive daily video reports with Google of when they leave and return to their own home, or who visits them at their home, when, and for how long.

 

Despite all this, FBI investigators on the case were somehow magically able to “recover” this video from Guthrie’s camera many days later. FBI Director Kash Patel was essentially forced to admit this when he released still images of what appears to be the masked perpetrator who broke into Guthrie’s home. (The Google user agreement, which few users read, does protect the company by stating that images may be stored even in the absence of a subscription.)

 

While the “discovery” of footage from this home camera by Google engineers is obviously of great value to the Guthrie family and law enforcement agents searching for Guthrie, it raises obvious yet serious questions about why Google, contrary to common understanding, was storing the video footage of unsubscribed users. A former NSA data researcher and CEO of a cybersecurity firm, Patrick Johnson, told CBS: “There's kind of this old saying that data is never deleted, it's just renamed.” 

 


Image obtained through Nancy Guthrie’s unsubscribed Google Nest camera and released by the FBI.

 

It is rather remarkable that Americans are being led, more or less willingly, into a state-corporate, Panopticon-like domestic surveillance state with relatively little resistance, though the widespread reaction to Amazon’s Ring ad is encouraging. Much of that muted reaction may be due to a lack of realization about the severity of the evolving privacy threat. Beyond that, privacy and other core rights can seem abstract and less of a priority than more material concerns, at least until they are gone.

 

It is always the case that there are benefits available from relinquishing core civil liberties: allowing infringements on free speech may reduce false claims and hateful ideas; allowing searches and seizures without warrants will likely help the police catch more criminals, and do so more quickly; giving up privacy may, in fact, enhance security.

 

But the core premise of the West generally, and the U.S. in particular, is that those trade-offs are never worthwhile. Americans still all learn and are taught to admire the iconic (if not apocryphal) 1775 words of Patrick Henry, which came to define the core ethos of the Revolutionary War and American Founding: “Give me liberty or give me death.” It is hard to express in more definitive terms on which side of that liberty-versus-security trade-off the U.S. was intended to fall.

 

These recent events emerge in a broader context of this new Silicon Valley-driven destruction of individual privacy. Palantir’s federal contracts for domestic surveillance and domestic data management continue to expand rapidly, with more and more intrusive data about Americans consolidated under the control of this one sinister corporation.

 

Facial recognition technology — now fully in use for an array of purposes from Customs and Border Protection at airports to ICE’s patrolling of American streets — means that fully tracking one’s movements in public spaces is easier than ever, and is becoming easier by the day. It was only three years ago that we interviewed New York Timesreporter Kashmir Hill about her new book, “Your Face Belongs to Us.” The warnings she issued about the dangers of this proliferating technology have not only come true with startling speed but also appear already beyond what even she envisioned.

 

On top of all this are advances in AI. Its effects on privacy cannot yet be quantified, but they will not be good. I have tried most AI programs simply to remain abreast of how they function.

 

After just a few weeks, I had to stop my use of Google’s Gemini because it was compiling not just segregated data about me, but also a wide array of information to form what could reasonably be described as a dossier on my life, including information I had not wittingly provided it. It would answer questions I asked it with creepy, unrelated references to the far-too-complete picture it had managed to create of many aspects of my life (at one point, it commented, somewhat judgmentally or out of feigned “concern,” about the late hours I was keeping while working, a topic I never raised).

 

Many of these unnerving developments have happened without much public notice because we are often distracted by what appear to be more immediate and proximate events in the news cycle. The lack of sufficient attention to these privacy dangers over the last couple of years, including at times from me, should not obscure how consequential they are.

 

All of this is particularly remarkable, and particularly disconcerting, since we are barely more than a decade removed from the disclosures about mass domestic surveillance enabled by the courageous whistleblower Edward Snowden. Although most of our reporting focused on state surveillance, one of the first stories featured the joint state-corporate spying framework built in conjunction with the U.S. security state and Silicon Valley giants.

 

The Snowden stories sparked years of anger, attempts at reform, changes in diplomatic relations, and even genuine (albeit forced) improvements in Big Tech’s user privacy. But the calculation of the U.S. security state and Big Tech was that at some point, attention to privacy concerns would disperse and then virtually evaporate, enabling the state-corporate surveillance state to march on without much notice or resistance. At least as of now, the calculation seems to have been vindicated.

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