Glenn Greenwald
Politics • Culture • Writing
Everyone Condemns Big Tech—Who Is Fighting It? DOJ/Google, Crowder/Shapiro, Brazil, & Mor
Video Transcript: System Update Episode #28
January 26, 2023
post photo preview

Note From Glenn Greenwald: The following is the full show transcript, for subscribers only, of a recent episode of our System Update program, broadcast live on Rumble on Wednesday, January 25, 2023. Going forward, every new transcript will be sent out by email and posted to our Locals page, where you'll find the transcripts for previous shows. 


Watch System Update Episode #28 Here on Rumble.

Many people in politics and journalism love to tell how angry they are at Big Tech, how much contempt they harbor for it, and how devoted they are to subverting, weakening, and undermining it. And while some of them do mean that, many of them do not. When everyone is watching and the cameras are rolling, they strut around posturing as threatening and menacing enemies of Big Tech but when the cameras are off and nobody is looking, many of them suddenly lose interest in what they are claiming is such a passionate cause for them, while others do something much more cynical, and more destructive: they work to fortify and benefit from the very system of Big Tech they claim to despise. 

This is a topic that can lend itself to moral posturing, sanctimony, and hectoring but I think it's both too nuanced and too important to lose time with any of that. We’re going to try and do our best to examine what is actually a challenging and an interesting question: faced with a very small group of corporate giants who have used anti-competitive practices to make themselves virtually unchallengeable and inescapable, how can one shrewdly subvert their power without sacrificing one's integrity, or, worse, cynically exploiting the sincere anger of the public toward Big Tech for one's own personal aggrandizement? 

We'll use several recent stories in the news – including the ugly and vitriolic dispute between YouTuber Steven Crowder and Ben Shapiro's Daily Wire, The filing of a new lawsuit yesterday by the Biden DOJ against Google, Rumble’s various battles against Big Tech censorship, and the growing censorship crisis in Brazil – to understand who those are who are attempting to foster free speech on the Internet and who is fraudulently pretending to do so.

For now, welcome to a new episode of System Update starting right now. 


Monologue:

One of the easiest and surest ways to win applause in right-wing media and political circles is to raise your fist in condemnation of Big Tech. Indeed, along with the Deep State and left-wing cultural dogma, Big Tech has, for good reasons, become such a consensus villain for conservatives that expressing contempt for it is virtually a prerequisite for acceptance in right-wing politics. That's not a surprise, since polls show that 80% of conservative Republicans believe Big Tech is in fact biased against them and favors liberal views. 

But as we all learned at a very young age, actions speak louder than words, and that's because words are easy and actions are much harder. Put another way, words can have an impact but are generally harmless. Actions, however, can subvert, and disrupt, and transform and overthrow. And that's why they're much more important than words are now.

Corporate lobbyists in Washington certainly understand the difference between words and actions. They know, for instance, that in order for Democratic Party politicians to have any chance to win elections – especially Democratic Party primaries, but increasingly general elections as well – it's necessary for Democrats like Hillary Clinton or Chuck Schumer and Nancy Pelosi to rail against the evils of Wall Street and vow to attack structural income and wealth inequality if they win, and even go after Wall Street tycoons and finally hold them accountable. 

And that is why we so often see what looks to be a paradox, namely that Democratic politicians, like Joe Biden, who rage against the Wall Street machine and pound their fists on the table in anger over the unfairness of income inequality and large corporate bonuses, nonetheless, end up drowning in campaign cash from Wall Street and their lobbyists, far more so than their opponents. That's because Wall Street lobbyists are sophisticated enough to know that Democrats – when their foreheads bulge with anger on the campaign trail, as they scream about the wretched corruption of banks – do not actually mean a word of what they're saying. 

Both Democrats and their corporate donors know that this is all theater, designed to trick voters into voting for them so that they can then acquire power and use that power to serve the interests of the Wall Street barons they pretend to loathe. It's all a game. Everyone inside the Beltway understands the game; the marks are the voters. 

This deceitful game is by no means confined to Democratic politicians or politicians generally. Many companies, media personalities, and government agencies love to drape themselves in the costumes of popular values or causes that they do not actually support and sometimes actively oppose and despise. And that is definitely true of vocal opposition to Big Tech, opposition that produces great benefits to those who express it  – votes for politicians, clicks and subscriptions, and advertising dollars for media companies – yet are often accompanied either by total inaction or, worse, by fortifying Big Tech’s structures when nobody is looking. 

I don't want to pretend that this is always a clean and easy issue. When I left The Intercept, I decided that I would only work with and bring my audience to platforms that I believe are truly devoted to creating free speech zones on the Internet and defining and fighting against various pressures and even legal coercion to censor unpopular and anti-establishment voices offline – which is why I've spent the last two years publishing my written journalism at Substack, my video broadcast exclusively on Rumble and my podcasts on the Callin app. 

But I realize not everyone has the same luxury that I have. I've spent 15 years or so building a large and portable audience that will read or watch my journalism wherever I go. But for younger journalists or commentators just starting out and trying to make their way, I completely understand that compromises are sometimes necessary. 

Indeed, the crux of the Big Tech problem is that they are – according to the official position of the House Antitrust Subcommittee – monopolies in the classic and legal sense of that word. That means, by definition, that Big Tech corporations engage in anti-competitive practices, making it all but impossible for any competitors to emerge.

That also means that they have the power to unify, to crush any competitors that begin challenging their hegemony – as we saw them do quite brazenly back in January 2021, when the Free Speech app Parler – remember them? – became the number-one most downloaded app in the country – ahead of TikTok, YouTube, Facebook, and Instagram – following the banning of the sitting president, Donald Trump, by Twitter and Facebook, only for Democratic politicians to quickly demand that Apple and Google remove Parler from its stores, which had the effect of crippling Parler by preventing new users and impeding functionality for existing users by making updates impossible, followed by Amazon's refusal and rejection of the platform from their dominant hosting services. So within 48 hours, Parler went from being the most downloaded app in the country to barely existing on life support, and it never really recovered. If that didn't illustrate to you the virtually unchallengeable dominance and hegemony of Big Tech, I can't imagine what would. 

All of this also means that it is close to impossible to find an audience, a new audience in particular, without in some way using Big Tech’s platforms. So even though I was able to make the choice to only work with and for free speech alternatives to Big Tech, I still use Big Tech to promote the journalism we do. I use Twitter to make myself heard and ensure I can influence political conversations. And since we launched our new show, this show, last month, we have used and continue to use all Big Tech platforms – Facebook, Google's YouTube, Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram – to promote the show in the hopes of reaching new viewers, which is one of the goals of this show. So, as devoted as I am to this cause of free speech and crushing Big Tech's power to censor political speech off the Internet – and that cause is, if not my overarching cause, certainly one of my primary ones – it would be close to impossible for me to avoid Big Tech platforms entirely if I want to have any actual impact on our politics of our country, and the broader political and cultural conversation. 

And if that's true for someone like myself, who has been able to build one of the most independent and reliable independent media platforms in the country, it's certainly true of others who are younger, less established, and still looking for ways to bring attention to their work. So I appreciate the nuances of these challenges and don't intend to approach this with a posture of sanctimonious  hectoring, or moral superiority. I believe everyone should be expected to act with integrity in accordance with their stated principles. That's for sure. But complete purity is a luxury reserved for poets and artists or those who are born into great familial wealth. And even for that lofty group, a type of fanatical purity would still make it close to impossible to be heard in our current politics. 

But while recognizing those intricacies, I think it's important to nonetheless examine who is cynically exploiting the cause of liberating us from Big Tech and reconstructing the Internet as a venue where free speech and free inquiry can flourish. And while most cases may be borderline or morally ambiguous, some are not. 

Let's take the case of Congressman Jim Jordan, of Ohio, who is one of the most talented speakers and most skilled rhetorical advocates in all of Congress. When Congressman Jordan goes on Fox News or speaks before the crowds of the conservative and MAGA faithful, few can rile them up as he can. He rolls up his sleeves, he gets very angry and very vocal and very passionate. He's easily one of the five most powerful and influential members of the House Republican Caucus, in part because of his defiant and aggressive anti-Big Tech posture that he loves to show and is so good at expressing. But in larger part because of his great skill at raising huge amounts of corporate cash that fuels the Republican machine. And that professed cause of his – fighting Big Tech – is often directly at odds with the base of his power inside Congress, namely his prowess at raising large amounts of corporate cash. 

But how has Jim Jordan used this great power inside Congress to advance what he claims is his passionate cause of fighting Big Tech? If you ask those whose specialty is working on anti-Big Tech legislation – as I have – they will struggle to give you an answer. 

And while it's tempting to say that they're just doing nothing, that's actually not true. They are doing something. People like Jim Jordan are protecting Big Tech and obstructing any actual meaningful reforms. Along with newly elected House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, Jordan has repeatedly opposed bipartisan antitrust proposals that are designed to solve the problem of Big Tech's power to censor. In 2021, when Congress released its report declaring those four Big Tech companies – Amazon, Apple, Google, and Facebook – to be monopolies, and a package of bills after a year-long investigation into all of those companies and how they legally maintain their monopolies, what was Jim Jordan's response? Mr. anti-Big Tech filed a dissenting view to that report.

And last September, he opposed a bill that would increase the fees these companies have to pay when they file for a merger with the government. Now, time and again, anti-Big Tech politicians like Jordan not only fail to hold Big Tech accountable, but they also actually do Big Tech's bidding – in the backrooms and the sewers of Congress, and the places Donald Trump denounced as the Swamp, when the cameras are off and his base is at work and nobody is looking and he's there only with Google and Facebook lobbyists who have their checkbook out ready to reward subservience to those companies interests. 

And there is nothing particularly complex or morally ambiguous about that kind of deceit. It is exploitative, condescending to voters, and deeply cynical in all of the worst ways. There are, though, other instances that I think raise more ambiguities that I want to look at, especially recent developments in the news that help us better understand how the cause of Big Tech is being exploited by some and pursued with authenticity by others. 

Just this week, the Department of Justice, the Biden Department of Justice, filed a lawsuit aimed at one company, Google, that is designed to dismantle Google's ability to crush the competition by using its various platforms, particularly its online advertising dominance, in order to basically manipulate the entire industry. 

Here from the Washington Post, you see the headline “Justice Department Sues Google Over Dominance in Online Advertising”. And the article reports: 

The lawsuit, the second federal case pending against the search giant, alleges that the company's core ad business should be broken up because Google allegedly used its dominant position in the online ad industry to box out competitors. By neutralizing rivals and forcing publishers to use its products, Google was able to dictate the rules of the marketplace for online ads, the lawsuit says (The Washington Post. Jan.24, 2023).

The suit alleges that Google engaged in a “systematic campaign” to gain a grip on the high-tech tools that publishers, advertisers, and brokers use to buy and sell digital advertising. Now, I know this sounds technical, but this is vital to understanding Big Tech's stranglehold on our politics and our economy. 

Having inserted itself into all aspects of the digital advertising marketplace, Google has used anticompetitive, exclusionary, and unlawful means to eliminate or severely diminish any threat to its dominance over digital advertising technologies”, the lawsuit says. Google has used its control over the ad market to harm its rivals, resulting in a “broken” advertising market in which website creators earn less and advertisers pay more, the Justice Department says (The Washington Post. Jan.24, 2023).

That's a pure distortion of a free market when one company can use its dominance to render basically how much money people make and how much money they can charge. The article goes on. 

This also affects consumers because when publishers make less money from advertising, they have to charge people, through subscriptions, paywalls, and other forms of monetization, the lawsuit claims. […] The suit adds to Google's mounting legal challenges; the company is already fending off a separate federal antitrust lawsuit that was filed in the fall of 2020 during the Trump administration. That suit, which is focused on Google search results, is scheduled to go to trial this year. Google also faces multiple antitrust lawsuits led by state attorneys general. […]

Biden has signaled his intention to take on Big Tech's power, in part by appointing tech critics Lina Khan and Jonathan Kanter as head of the Federal Trade Commission and chief of the Justice Department's Antitrust Division, respectively.

 

Under Khan, the FTC has been increasingly active in challenging mergers in the tech industry. The agency last month brought a challenge against Microsoft's acquisition of the game developer Activision, and it also argued in a California courtroom against Meta's acquisition of a virtual reality startup. […] The Justice Department, under Attorney General Merrick Garland, has several antitrust losses in its first year but more recently has notched a string of high-profile victories, including a court ruling that blocked the merger of two powerful book publishers. […] Yet antitrust enforcers continue to face an uphill battle in a court system that has taken an increasingly narrow view of competition law (The Washington Post. Jan.24, 2023).

Now, let's stop there for a second because there are some very important issues lurking within this. I don't think I need to prove my bona fides as a vehement critic of the Biden administration, it is something I do virtually on a daily basis and have done since the very start of the Biden administration. But this is actually one area in which the Biden administration seems genuine about its commitment to a cause that has become increasingly popular among the American right, namely reining in the virtually uncontrolled power of Big Tech. And as a result, after a lot of skepticism, these two people in particular, the head of the DOJ antitrust Division that just brought this lawsuit against Google, and Lina Khan, the very serious scholarly head of the Federal Trade Commission, have gained a lot of support among Republican members of Congress who began skeptical of what their intentions were, for reasons I completely understand. Many Democrats want to weaken Big Tech or threaten to weaken Big Tech for only one reason: to gain leverage in order to influence or coerce them to censor the Internet in favor of the Democratic Party by censoring content that dissents from Democratic Party orthodoxy or censoring voices who oppose Democratic Party politics.

And so there was good reason for Republican skepticism about the motives or the interests behind some of these antitrust actions. But serious Republicans in Congress, conservatives in Congress, like Congressman Ken Buck, who was the ranking member of the House Antitrust Committee – that issued that report, declaring those four companies a monopoly, and it was now, I think, poised to become the chair of that subcommittee – has become an ally of Senator Amy Klobuchar in the Senate with her bipartisan bill that I referenced last night to break up the power of some of these companies, legislation that has attracted the support of real conservatives in the Senate, including Josh Hawley, of Missouri, and Chuck Grassley, of Iowa, and Ted Cruz, of Texas. 

So, you see this bipartisan trans-ideological coalition forming over what is, I think, a very serious effort to rein in the power of Big Tech, because people realize, regardless of where they fall in the political spectrum, that having giants of this limitless power able to basically run roughshod over all competitors, to do whatever they want with no limits of any kind, is incompatible with having a healthy democracy. And perhaps people who are conservative are more angry about this because of the censorship issue, and people who are Democrats are more angry because of the economic antitrust issues but, at the end of the day, the core premise is a shared one, which is that we cannot have these companies any longer, three or four of them, utterly dominating one of the most important human innovations in decades, if not centuries, which is the Internet.

The stranglehold that gives them over every aspect of our civic life is far too excessive. And that's where a lot of this is coming from, from a genuine conviction that these companies need to be reined in. And yet, as I said, there are still Republicans in the House, in particular like Jim Jordan, who continue to talk a good game. He probably wouldn't disagree with a word I've said so far, except for that little part where I accused him of being a fraud but, other than that, he would endorse all of the things I've said about Big Tech, and yet he has nothing to show for it. He has nothing to show for it, like so many of the conservatives in Congress with him, because they are exploiting their base and their voters, knowing that many of you hate Big Tech and that you'll donate every time they go on Fox and rail against it or speak about it at a rally. But then their real allies are not you but Google and Facebook lobbyists and they are there to block and impede both regulatory and legislative attempts to rein in the power of Big Tech. That does not mean that there are never valid reasons for questioning some of these attempts to rein in Big Tech.

I understand that in conservative politics, antitrust legislation is not always a consensus and popular view, but it is a consensus view among Republicans and conservatives if you look at polling data, that people believe that the power of Big Tech is wildly and aggressively excessive and needs to be reined in. And there are genuine efforts that are serious and based in a genuine conviction that Big Tech is too excessive and needs to be reined in. And a lot more could be done in this realm if it weren't for, on the one hand, liberals in Congress whose only interest is exploiting these measures to influence Big Tech to censor more, and then, on the other, conservatives who have a much greater interest in receiving checks from Google and Facebook and Apple and Amazon than they do serving the cause that they claim to their base they really believe in. That's the reality of what's taking place here. 

Let's move to the next graphic from July. So just six months ago, when I was at Substack, we reported on an important case, the one that was brought by Rumble against Google. And this is the perfect example of how anti-competitive practices work. I mentioned this last night. Remember last night's show? We talked about how every time there's an attempt to rein in Big Tech power legislatively or through regulation or through lawsuits, the people who are the first to pop up and protect Big Tech and demand that nothing be done is the U.S. Security State, led by James Clapper and people like Fran Townsend and the rest of that whole crew, Mike Morrell, CIA directors and homeland security advisers who understand that keeping Big Tech hegemonic and monopolistic is crucial to their agenda of ensuring the flow of information stay within their stranglehold, within their control, so that the only things you hear are things they want you to hear, and none of the things they don't want you to hear become available to you. 

And one of the companies that is on board with the same effort that I just explained from The Washington Post is being pursued by the Biden Justice Department, to their credit, is this very platform right here, which is Rumble, which is one of the reasons I've decided to be on this platform instead of others. Now, before I explain this lawsuit and its importance, I want to just be very upfront and transparent about my relationship with Rumble. Because if I'm going to talk about Rumble, I think you quite rightly want to know what my interest might be.

So, to begin with, I have no ownership of any kind of Rumble. I have no stock on Rumble and no stock options on Rumble, under no conceivable theory do I benefit financially if Rumble does well financially. My only relationship with Rumble is that I have a show on Rumble, a nightly Show, the one you're watching, that they pay for me to produce, in a contract that we signed about six months ago. I had a contract with them previously, a much smaller one, to produce two or three videos per month. And in all contracts that I've ever signed with any media company, including The Intercept, the one that I founded, or any other company with which I've ever worked, including Rumble, I always have a guarantee of absolute editorial freedom, by which I mean that nobody can review my show before it airs.

Nobody has the power to come to me after and tell me they dislike their content. It's a guaranteed multi-year contract, which means that even if I decided for whatever reason to devote my program every single night to doing nothing but trying to convince you that Rumble is evil, Rumble has no way out of the contract. They can't stop paying me. They can't cancel my show no matter what it is that I do or say. Their ability to get out of that contract is extremely limited. It's limited to things like my death or my conviction of felony charges, and that's pretty much it.

So, Rumble has zero leverage over me in terms of anything that I can say, and we even talked about how, it will probably be the case, in the future, that Rumble will do things that I disagree with and dislike, and I will likely denounce them and they want me to because that demonstrates that their commitment to free speech is a genuine one. They want criticisms of their conduct as a company to be heard on their very platform, including by the people with whom they have the most significant contractual relationship such as myself. So that's my only incentive scheme. I have no incentive when it comes to Rumble, when I'm reporting on them, when I'm talking about them to do anything other than tell you the truth, I don't benefit if I praise them; I don't suffer if I criticize them. 

But in this lawsuit that we reported on, in July of 2022, Rumble sued Google, claiming antitrust violations similar to the one the Trump Justice Department raised back in 2020. So, let's be clear about that. It's not just the Biden DOJ suing Google and other Big Tech companies for antitrust violations. A very similar suit was also brought by the Trump DOJ relating to the way that they manipulate their search terms to destroy competitors. And the theory of the Rumble lawsuit is one that I have discovered personally is unquestionably true, which is that one of the things that Google does is that, if you are a competitor of Google's, not in terms of their search engine, but in terms of any of their many businesses, including their ownership of YouTube, they will make sure that you are buried. And given that something like 90 or 93% of all people who search on the Internet use Google, that dominance is incredibly powerful. They can bury you if they want to. Can any of you even name alternatives or competitors to Google Search engine? Just like maybe Yahoo still has theirs? I'm not even sure. Bing? But Google is essentially the only game in town. So, if they decide to bury you, it's going to be very hard for you to thrive and exist. 

And there is no question that they bury Rumble's videos on purpose. Why? Because Rumble is a competitor to their other platform, which is YouTube. I've encouraged you before if you want to find one of my videos, even ones that have millions of views and there are several that do, go to a Google search engine and enter the topic with my name and video. And oftentimes what will appear as the first, second, and third results are copies of my show that people without permission posted on YouTube, or excerpts of it, that maybe have six or seven or eight views, and you have to go to the second or the third or the fourth page to find my video on Rumble if you can even find it at all.

There have been times when I even know the exact title of the video, the show that I’m looking for, on Google, and yet I can barely find it. So, the theory of this lawsuit, which is that Google exploits its dominance, its market dominance, to destroy its competitors, is one that I personally know to be true. And that's why a court refused to dismiss Rumble’s lawsuit against Google, ensuring that Rumble now has the right to a very vast discovery about how Google manipulates its algorithms and its search engine and things. It should be very illuminating on this topic. But this is an example. Rumble spending its own money to sue Google for antitrust violations, or Trump and the Biden Justice Department suing Google, a very powerful company, to me are examples of genuine attempts to subvert and undermine Big Tech censorship and Big Tech monopolistic power, as opposed to the posturing that certain Republican members of Congress like Jim Jordan do. 

Now, let's look at the recent controversy that became very ugly and vitriolic but is, nonetheless, lurking within. It contains some really interesting points about this exact question, which is the controversy I'm sure you've heard, most of you, that arose between the very popular YouTuber Steven Crowder, who also has a show on this platform on Rumble, and Ben Shapiro's company, Daily Wire, which has become a remarkable success as a new right-wing media company. 

And what I really want to do is steadfastly avoid almost every single component of this dispute, many of which are personal, many of which became very ugly, involving things like people tape-recording each other without their authorization, particularly Stephen Crowder doing that to a Daily Wire executive, a bunch of allegations back and forth over ethics and other things. I also want to avoid the question of whether Steven Crowder is worth $50 million, or whether the Daily Wire really offered him a $50 million contract. All of those things are kind of interesting, in part, because they say a lot about independent media and the financial components of how independent media works. Also, all of us love drama, let's be honest. So, there are a lot of personality conflicts there that I just don't want to take my show's time to devote to and I don't think it's a good use of your time. 

So here are the key facts. Let's bring up the Forbes article from January 20, 2023. “Right-Wing Pundits Ben Shapiro and Steven Crowder Clash Over $50 Million Media Deal”. And I know a lot of you are thinking, why should I care about very rich conservative commentators fighting over a $50 million deal? And that's not an unreasonable position. But let's look at what the actual dispute was. 

In a video posted online this week, Crowder said that some outlets were “in bed with” tech companies and were colluding to ultimately monetize and censor right-wing views on social media platforms, though he didn't name any outlets specifically. […] Crowder also showed excerpts of a contract from one company – later confirmed to be The Daily Wire with the compensation penalizations if his programming faced loss of advertising revenue, including from advertiser boycotts, or if Crowder's channels were demonetized by social media platforms (Forbes. Jan, 20, 2023). 

So let me just stop here and just reduce this to its simplest terms. Well, obviously, Steven Crowder and The Daily Wire, as right-wing outlets and pundits are both vehemently hostile toward Big Tech. They denounce it with great regularity. They argue that Big Tech poses a grave threat to our national discourse and to our right to free speech as a result of their censorship.

And yet, says Steven Crowder, when The Daily Wire sent me a term sheet contained within in – it was a very generous offer – but it specifically says that if I am to be demonetized by YouTube or otherwise de-platformed or penalized by other Big Tech companies such as Facebook and Twitter and Instagram, I will end up being penalized significant amounts of penalties as a result of my following outside of the lines of Big Tech.

And Stephen Crowder's argument is that what The Daily Wire's essentially doing is, on the one hand, telling their viewers and their subscribers that they're not just a business but a cause, and one of their main causes is fighting against Big Tech and trying to subvert Big Tech by creating an independent and self-sustaining media ecosystem that is independent of Big Tech and, therefore, guarantees free speech. But then, on the other hand, as they say, they're sending around contracts requiring their commentators to obey the limits imposed by Big Tech on what they can and can't say because if you step outside of those lines, you will be punished, which is another way of saying that The Daily Wire, it’s Stephen Crowder's argument, while pretending to its audience that they're subverting Big Tech, in fact, instead, is doing the opposite in order to profit as much as possible, which is fortifying Big Tech's power by telling all of their commentators, you had better obey the limits they impose on you or else you will lose huge amounts of revenue.

So, let's look at Steven Crowder himself. He went on the show hosted by Tim Pool, where he talked about what he claims was his primary motive in essentially blowing the whistle on what he says he regards as deceit within conservative media when it comes to whether or not they're really opposed to Big Tech as they tell their viewers or whether they're in bed with them. Let's take a look at a couple of clips: 

(VIDEO  46:41)

Steven Crowder: I said this is wrong, penalizing conservatives and I believe this to my absolute core, penalizing conservatives on behalf of Big Tech while taking money from people who are paying you, investing in you to fight Big Tech – That is what they're investing in. That is what Mug Club is investing in and that's what subscribers are investing in – while simultaneously penalizing consumers as fundamentally wrong. I had that conversation, and said, Look, just please give me your word you're not going to be doing this with other people who, as you well know, when you start in this industry, don't know better. 

Ok. So, he's basically saying, look, I don't even care about myself anymore. I don't want their $50 million. What I really want is for them to give me assurances that they won't do this to anyone else, that they won't do this to younger people. They will continue to fortify Big Tech's power of censorship by giving out contracts that highly incentivize people to obey Big Tech limitations. I, for example, don't have to care about what Big Tech decides is and is not permissible because I'm here on Rumble and I can say what I want here. But at the same time, if I were to be censored off Twitter, that could actually impact my ability to promote my show and be heard. So, I also have somewhat of an incentive to avoid that as well. But financially and in terms of the work I do and the journalism I do, there's no incentive for me to remain within Big Tech’s limits. That's what was true when I was at Substack as well. And that's why I went to those sites because the last thing I want to do is fortify a Big Tech censorship regime. I want to subvert it and fight against it by strengthening not Big Tech platforms, but those platforms that are designed at their core to undermine the censorship regime built by corporate media and the parts of the U.S. government, like the Security State and the rest. I want to undermine and subvert that and overthrow it, not fortify it. 

Here's another clip from Steven Crowder on why he thinks the Daily Wire contract deceives their audience by doing the opposite of what they claim. 

(Video 48:02 )

Steven Crowder: There are good people at YouTube. There are some good people there who want, but their hands are tied. And guess what? Everyone else's hands are tied. If you say, Hey, we're all trying to fight this system that exists, but you're not, you're mandating that you exist within the system. Only one person is saying, Hey, you know what? If you want to be monetizing, you don't. That's fine. And one is saying you have to fit into this box. 

All right. Let's look at one more. He's pretty much making the same point, but let's just give him his due and hear what he has to say. 

(Video 50:19)

Steven Crowder: But there is this jockeying for position with people who they see as competition. And the issue here that I have always made clear is the locking in of these punitive contracts that mandate and enforce Big Tech policies and guidelines as a matter of business, and that hurts creators. 

So that argument standing on its own seems to me inherently reasonable. If you are saying on the one hand that a major cause of yours is overthrowing the regime of Big Tech, and then on the other, you're highly incentivizing people, in fact, requiring them, essentially, to obey whatever limits Big Tech happens to impose, whatever side of the bed YouTube wakes up on or Facebook wakes up on, and decides that you're now, I'd say this or not, you're now required by your self-interest to stay within the limits, it's very hard to authentically claim that you're fighting a system that you're in fact fortifying. That seems to me on its face to be a reasonable argument and an important one. Because if right-wing media outlets that are claiming to be the mortal enemies of Big Tech, presenting themselves as this huge menace to the hegemonic force of Big Tech are in fact inextricably linked to them and want to stay linked to them because of the millions of dollars they make from them, that seems like a real conflict, a problem – a big problem to me – that he is exposing. 

But let's look at the response from the CEO of The Daily Wire, who, I think, did a very good job laying out, from a business perspective, why it makes sense for The Daily Wire to want to earn profit from Big Tech. Big Tech is a huge industry. I mean, if I wanted to build the biggest audience possible, as quickly as possible, I probably would go on YouTube and not Rumble. YouTube is still way, way bigger than Rumble, even though Rumble is growing rapidly and gives me enough of an audience to make the show successful and I believe will keep growing. If I were just interested in how to monetize the show, I would probably go to YouTube. But since I'm not interested only in that, I'm interested in the cause. Here I am in Rumble and not YouTube. So, Daily Wire's response is a business response that is essentially the way we make the most profit is by adhering to Big Tech limits. Here's what he has to say. 

(Video 53:04)

J. Boreing, The Daily Wire:  If the content simply cannot appear and therefore cannot not only be used for marketing, cannot be used to grow, the brand also can't be monetized. Well, we can't pay him the same as if it was. If you're making 25% of your money on YouTube and now YouTube is permanently gone, you can't make that money anymore. It's not punishment. And this is really what it comes down to Steven’s philosophy seems to be: I deserve to be paid millions and millions and millions of dollars. Whether my show drives the revenue or not. That's not a business relationship. He's not looking for a business relationship. It's looking for a benefactor. The Daily Wire is not a nonprofit. We aren't benefactors. We're a business. We only get to eat what we kill. 

I mean, I don't think any of you who have seen The Daily Wire or Ben Shapiro would doubt that they’re a business, they're looking to make money. And that's fine. That's legal in the United States. That's capitalism. But that is different than claiming that you're pursuing it because oftentimes those things are aligned and in other instances, they're in conflict. And the question is when they're in conflict, which do you choose? Now, as I said, it's not always easy. You can't completely insulate yourself from Big Tech if you want to be a viable business. But if you present yourself as a cause, a political cause, the reason people give you money is because they agree with your cause, there do have to be some occasions in which you're willing to sacrifice more and more profit and self-enrichment. These guys are all very, very rich already. There has to be a moment when you're willing to say, I'm willing to sacrifice some profit, some money, in the name of the cause that I am convincing people I support – and in getting money from them on the basis of having convinced them of that. But all of these answers are about the business of The Daily Wire, the profiteering of The Daily Wire. Let's look at one more just to make sure he has his due as well. 

(Video 50:57)

J. Boreing, The Daily Wire: I mean, I mentioned it before. Stephen created this idea of piss-off YouTube segment at Mug Club, and I saw it and thought it was genius. What does it mean? It means Stephen can go on YouTube, and speak to a huge audience – in fact, most of his audience, that's where they engage with him, right? The subscribers are a very small percentage of Stephen's audience. Mug club is a very small percentage of his audience. YouTube is the vast, overwhelming majority of Stephen's audience. He can go on there and he can be risqué and he can do what he wants to do. But he can be calculated, too. And he can say there are some things that I simply can't say here because these bastards hate free speech, for those things come over to my club and become a subscriber. And then for 30 minutes a day at The Blaze, he could say whatever he wanted.

 

And I thought that was a genius thing. And I implemented it at Daily Wire because I was inspired by Stephen, who again, very talented guy, a very smart guy. This is just meant to say the same thing. Hey, I want you to be thoughtful about what you say on the free part of the show. Doesn't mean I want you to say things that aren't true. Doesn't mean I want you to say things you don't believe. That doesn’t mean I want you to bend the knee to Big Tech. What it means is I want you to preserve the revenue as best you can, preserve the audience as best you can, and then tell people there's a reason we're building these multi, multi, multi, multimillion-dollar platforms. There's a reason we have subscribers and so that there is a place where they can't take our voice away. They can't tell us what to say. 

So, what he is essentially saying is, look, we're not pure or even close to it but neither is Steven Crowder, since Steven Crowder, whose primary profits come from his show on YouTube, I believe he's already been demonetized, but the millions of views that he racks up is what then enables him as well to promote the parts of his show that are kind of behind the scenes that you have to pay in order to watch. And that's where he goes, Steven Crowder, to say the things that he's not able to say on YouTube. 

So, what you see here is this attempt on both of their parts to figure out how to grapple with the reality that you need to use Big Tech, you need to exploit them in order to be able to be heard. Because if you're not heard, if no one watches you, if you make no money and can't fund a studio and can't fund a staff, you can't have any impact. So that is true. There is a reality to it. As I was saying before, the hegemonic force of Big Tech means they're inescapable. As I said, I use them myself. But what you can't do is while claiming to people that you are devoted to this cause, simultaneously, use their money to fortify the very system you claim that you're fighting. And I think the issue becomes that there are people whose primary aim in life is to make as much money as possible.

And that's fine, as I said, if that satisfies them. I'm a big believer that people should pursue whatever provides them the most self-actualization. And if having a third house or a Lamborghini or a yacht or taking your family to shopping trips on a private jet to Paris to go shopping in boutiques is something that gives you purpose and pleasure in life, you're certainly permitted to pursue that. But I don't think what you should then be simultaneously doing is telling people that they should give you money because you're here to fight for a cause. Because fighting for a cause necessarily, by definition, means that in those instances when there's a clash between your economic self-interest on the one hand and that cause on the other, that at least on some occasions not all, but on some, you're going to forgo material and economic gain in pursuit of that cause, or else it's not a cause.

And I think as a discerning consumer, everybody should be very conscious of whether your political passions are being served and advanced or whether they're being exploited. And as I said, I wasn't here to kind of arbitrate who is right and wrong. I don't want to kind of spit fire and brimstone at anybody because I don't think it's a case that calls for that. There are complexities here. But at the end of the day, people should be able to demonstrate to you if they want to convince you that they're genuine, that there are times when they've sacrificed their own self-interest for the cause, especially if and that's true of all the people involved here, they're already extremely wealthy people. They're not people who are making choices on how to put food in their children's mouths. So, I find that episode interesting. 

Let's move to a different episode, which is equally interesting as well. As we've covered on the show a lot, Elon Musk bought Twitter also claiming he did so not purely for economic gain but for a cause. And that cause, at least one of them, was to restore free speech to Twitter because political censorship is so harmful. And yet we've already seen on several occasions, Elon Musk seemingly violating the principles he waved the banner of when he purchased Twitter and got people excited about that cause. 

I think we saw that first when he banned Kanye West from Twitter after first unbanning him. When Kanye West went to the Alex Jones's show and talked about how much he loved Hitler, and then the next day went onto Twitter and posted a symbol that was a synthesis of a star of David and a swastika. That was obviously a speech deeply offensive to the vast majority of people, to put it mildly, but under no circumstances did it violate any of Twitter's rules. And yet, Elon Musk banned Kanye West from his platform, largely because I think you couldn't have a hospitable place for corporate advertisers and have Kanye West on your platform talking about how much he loves Jews and posting swastikas.

And so, this rationale got concocted that the reason Kanye West was banned was because he was inciting violence. Remember, Elon Musk said that his understanding of free speech absolutism is that anything that is legal will be permitted and what's illegal will not be. And we did a whole show on this. Under Supreme Court law, there is no conceivable possibility at all that Kanye West could be prosecuted criminally for anything that he said, let alone for anything he said on Twitter. So, Musk banning him violated Elon Musk's own principle about how he said he was going to advance the cause of free speech.

The same thing happened yesterday when Nick Fuentes, who most definitely is well outside the realm of what most people consider to be acceptable discourse, went onto Twitter because he had been unbanned after, I think, a year of being banned from the platform, he got unbanned and he went back on Twitter. He lasted not even a full day. He began talking about the dangers of Jewish power, and the need to fight against Jewish power, things Kanye West has been saying as well. Just the kind of speech that is generally deemed off-limits in decent society. But Nick Fuentes also did nothing and said nothing conceivably illegal, the question of why Elon Musk banned Nick Fuentes, now, again, you have some complexities here. 

In order for Elon Musk to run Twitter, Twitter has to be financially viable, and, perhaps, in order for it to be financially viable, you need to kick off everybody who talks about Jews and the power that they wield because that's just a topic that is sustainable with attracting advertisers. Maybe that's the case. Well, then be honest about that. Say that that's the reason you're doing it. You're doing it against your will. You wish you didn't have to. You say you're a free speech absolutist, but unfortunately, it's not compatible with Twitter's ongoing sustainability. And instead of inventing obviously fake reasons, unsustainably fake reasons like, oh, they're inciting violence, in order to pretend that the standard you created, which is anything illegal, will be banned and anything legal permitted is somehow consistent with the banning of those two people when it clearly isn't. 

Another instance was reported by The Intercept today. The headline is “Elon Musk Caves to Pressure From India to Remove a BBC Doc Critical of [Indian Prime Minister Narendra] Modi”. So, there you see the text of the article, “Twitter and YouTube” – not just Twitter, but also YouTube – censored a report critical of Indian Prime Minister Modi in coordination with the government of India.

Officials called for the Big Tech companies to take action against a BBC documentary exploring Modi's role in a genocidal 2002 massacre in the Indian state of Gujarat, which the officials deemed a “propaganda piece.” In a series of posts, Kanchan Gupta, senior adviser at the Indian government's Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, denounced the BBC documentary as “hostile propaganda and anti-Indian garbage.” He said that both Twitter and YouTube had been ordered to block links to the film before adding that the platforms “have complied with the directions.” Gupta's statements coincided with posts from Twitter users in India who claim to have shared links to the documentary but whose posts were later removed and replaced with a legal notice. […] “The government has sent hundreds of requests to different social media platforms, especially YouTube and Twitter, to take down the posts that share snippets or links to the documentary,” Indian journalist Raqib Hameed Naik told The Intercept. “And shamefully, the companies are complying with their demands and have taken down numerous videos and posts” (The Intercept. Jan. 24, 2023). 

Now here's The Intercept’s opening:

This act of censorship – wiping away allegations of crimes against humanity committed by a foreign leader – sets a worrying tone for Twitter, especially in light of its new management. […] Modi's government in India regularly applied pressure to Twitter in an attempt to bend the social media platform to its will. At one point, the government threatened to arrest Twitter staff in the country over their refusal to ban accounts run by critics. […]

Twitter's moves at the behest of Modi's government bode ill for Musk’s claims to be running the company with an aim of protecting free speech. While Musk has felt fine wading into U.S. culture wars on behalf of conservatives, he has been far more reticent to take a stand about the far dire threats to free speech from autocratic governments (The Intercept. Jan. 24, 2023). 

I think the reporting is accurate. I think the opining is tendentious for reasons I'm going to explain in the context of Brazil. 

Now, before I do that, let me just remind you of an incident that happened with Rumble. That was very similar to the one that just happened in India, where India ordered Twitter and Facebook to remove a documentary that it claims was fake news and threatened those platforms that they would be banned in India, a huge country, if they failed to comply. And Twitter and Facebook complied out of fear of losing access to the Indian market. In November of last year, just a few months ago, the French government ordered Rumble to cease platforming Russian media, including RT and Sputnik. You may recall that the EU made it illegal for social media platforms to allow Russian state media on their platform, even if those platforms want to offer them and even if people want to see them. And even though Rumble is not a European company and therefore not subject to EU law, it's a Canadian company based in the United States, the French government reached out to Rumble and said, "We demand that you censor RT if you want to stay in France.”

And instead of obeying, the way Twitter just did to India and Facebook just did to India, Rumble said No. Rumble said No, thank you. We would prefer to make our own decisions about whom we keep on our platform. We're not going to obey your censorship orders. You're a foreign government. We have no democratic control over what you do, and we're not going to obey your censorship orders. And we would rather lose access to the French market than obey your orders about whom we can and can't platform. And that's why, to this day, if French citizens not using a technology that scrambles where they're from, try to watch my show or any other show on Rumble, they will get a message saying Rumble is unavailable in France as a result of their refusal to obey the censorship orders of France. 

That is what a company does when they're truly committed to preserving free speech. That is an example of sacrificing your self-interest. Access to the entire country of France in pursuit of the goal of free speech that you claim you're having. I think Rumble deserves a lot of credit. 

Now, there's a complexity there, too, which is that France is not an important part of Rumble's overall business at the moment. I think it's something like less than 1% of our normal viewers are in France. Losing access to France does not really affect Rumble’s business right now, though it certainly could in the future. Rumble intends to grow in most countries, including in France, but, nonetheless, it would obviously be better for Rumble to be available in France, and it chose to sacrifice its business self-interest. Rather than do something that it says it's against doing, which is taking censorship orders from countries. This is behavior that we want to encourage. Not having every company bend the knee to a Big Tech on the grounds that, well, we need to do so for our own self-interest, that the way that the Daily Wire is doing, the way that Twitter and Facebook did when it came to India, or rather I'm sorry, I keep saying Facebook. I believe it's YouTube that did it. But Facebook does the same thing on many occasions. 

Now, as some of you know, I've been heavily involved in the debate over censorship here in Brazil. We've reported several times on what's been going on in Brazil. Last Friday, we reported on a really shocking censorship order that we were the first to report in which a single judge on the Brazilian Supreme Court, Alexandre de Moraes, issued this order that we showed you – we translated into English – addressed to Facebook, Rumble, Telegram, Tik Tok, Twitter, and YouTube, ordering all six of those platforms to immediately, within two hours, ban a long list of people, some of whom are elected officials in Brazil – including the candidate who ran for Congress and got the most votes in Brazil, Nicolas Ferreira, 26-year-old Bolsonaro supporter, got 1.4 million votes – and all you see here is no specific allegation they’ve done anything wrong, not pointing to any statement they made allegedly illegal, let alone evidence or accusations. It's just a list of people. This judge ordered them censored immediately and said you have two hours to do so. And if you don't, you will be fined a large amount of money, 100,000 Brazilian reais every day, which is $20,000. And then, at the end, it says, ‘we demand that you keep this confidential.’ 

We got a hold of it. We revealed it. The people on this list had no idea that they were targeted by the sentence. It was done in secret. They had no due process, and, as a result, this judge is becoming more and more controversial. Just today, there's an article from the AP that actually does a very good job of covering this debate here in Brazil, and why this judge is out of control. Censorship powers are starting to contaminate the right to free speech and a free Internet in other countries. 

You see here the article headlined “Crusading Judge has the Boundaries of Free Speech in Brazil”. And I'll show you a couple of paragraphs: 

In the wake of this month's attack on Brazil's Congress presidential palace and Supreme Court by a mob of Bolsonaro supporters seeking to overturn the recent election, Judge de Moraes’ role as a chief judicial power broker has expanded further. Some accuse de Moraes of overstepping in the name of protecting Brazilian democracy from the twin threats of political violence and disinformation. Others view his brash tactics as justified by extraordinary circumstances. “Our democracy is in a situation of extreme risk, so it is understandable that some exceptional restrictions be put in place, said Juliana Cesário Alvim, a human rights professor at the Federal University of Minas Gerais, who has researched the Supreme Court's decisions. “But that doesn't mean there shouldn't be criticism of how these cases are handled (AP. Jan. 25, 2023). 

It essentially covers the whole debate with the left and the media united saying that Brazil is under such threat that we need to go very far and be very radical in censoring everybody who supports the Bolsonaro movement and others, including myself. But a lot of Brazilian specialists in law and politics saying that what you're essentially doing is installing an authoritarian regime in the name of defending democracy, a lesson that we've seen over and over in the United States when the Bush government, the Bush-Cheney government, adopted a lot of radical powers domestically in the name of protecting democracy; something we've seen throughout Europe, where they claim they have to protect democracy by censoring more and more. 

And so, you see this list of social media companies who have been ordered to obey the censorship order. So far, all of them have. If you go on Twitter, for example, Elon Musk’s Twitter, and you look for the names of these people, you will find, if you're in Brazil, you will see it says the account withheld as a result of legal order in Brazil. So the same thing on Facebook, the same thing on Instagram. You can actually find Monark, the person who we interviewed and he's on Rumble. But I don't know what Rumble's position is. I just see that Monark pays just a lot. 

But Telegram today announced that it was refusing to obey this order when it came to that person in Brazil that I mentioned, Nicolas Ferreira, who just got the most votes of anybody when running for Congress, and Telegram is saying they refuse to obey the order. 

Here you see an article from the Rio Times, the headline of which is “Telegram ignores Brazil's Migration Decision and Does Not Block Conservative Congressman's Account”. 

For those of you who don't know, Telegram is an app that is specifically designed to protect the privacy and free speech rights of its users. It debuted in August of 2013, just two or three months after we began the Snowden reporting. That was one of its primary impulses, which was to say we are going to protect your privacy because we now know that States are invading your privacy. But also many people who have been censored off platforms have gone to Telegram, which is very devoted to protecting people's free speech rights. And so, they have announced that at least for now, they're ignoring the order of the Supreme Court judge and they sent him a letter.

And this is what the letter says: “The telegram messaging application refused to block the channel of elected federal parliamentarian Nicholas Ferreira”. [There you see the PL, which is Bolsonaro's party.] “In a letter sent to the Supreme Court. Alexandre de Moraes, the company's lawyers asked that the block be reconsidered and the company stated that many court decisions for the removal of content are made with, “generic grounds” and in a disproportionate way,” according to Globo, which is a newspaper in Brazil. The company's demonstration occurred in the inquiry investigating the “anti-democratic acts” created out of thin air by de Moraes to persecute conservative Brazilians”. 

In other words, what Telegram did was what Twitter and YouTube refused to do in the face of India's demands and what Twitter under Elon Musk and others refused to do in the face of Brazil's demands, which is to block all of these accounts. I believe Twitter and a few other companies are appealing the order in Brazil, but in the meantime, they're obeying it by banning all of those people's accounts. Telegram, on the other hand, is saying, we don't care.

We're not obeying this because you didn't even give us any specific reason in the censorship order why we should believe these people deserve to be censored, let alone evidence justifying the allegation that they've done anything wrong, let alone any due process or the ability for them to go and contest the order. And therefore, in the name of democracy, given that this person was just voted by 1.4 million Brazilians to represent them in Congress, we are going to disobey your order and we're asking you to reconsider it. Instead of reconsidering the order or giving them an opportunity for their lawyers to come in and argue, just before we went on there, Judge de Moraes already announced that he is now imposing fines on Telegram. 

A year ago, Judge de Moraes sent a bunch of censorship orders to Telegram, and when they didn't comply, he threatened that he would block Telegram from the entire country. And that's likely what's going to happen here again if Telegram doesn't pay these fines or if they don't immediately ban this congressman's account, my guess is that this judge will do what he's done before, which is ban the entire platform from being in Brazil, much the way that Rumble is now unavailable in France. 

The question, though, is what will happen if Elon Musk's or Facebook or YouTube under Google decides that they're actually going to for once not just pretend to oppose core censorship by states but use the power that they have to defy it. 

Imagine if Twitter and YouTube and Instagram stood by Telegram and Rumble and said, we too are going to disobey your order. What then would happen? Would the Brazilian Supreme Court or the Indian Supreme Court cut off their entire country from basically the entire Internet by banning Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube in all of Brazil or all of India? Would the population tolerate that? At some point, if you're going to claim that you're a platform devoted to free speech, the way Rumble and Telegram are doing, you need to step up and be willing to at least risk some of your self-interest to prove that you're authentic in that cause, like I said, the way Rumble and Telegram have done. 

But for now, Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube, despite being insanely and unimaginably rich as corporations, refused to do so. And that means that these governments will continue to be able to exercise the center of power because Telegram is a site that's really only for dissidents. You only care about using Telegram when your party is out of power. And so Brazilian leftists don't need Telegram. They're not at risk of being censored or surveilled. Their party is in power, so they don't care if Telegram is banned, but they would care if Twitter and Facebook and YouTube, and Instagram are banned.

In all of these cases, the common theme is that companies that tell you that they have a certain cause, politicians who tell you that, or media personalities who tell you that they believe in a certain cause and that, therefore, you should support them because of it, until they're willing to show you that not necessarily in every case, but at least in some cases, they're willing to sacrifice their own self-interest in pursuit of that cause, you should harbor very serious doubts about the authenticity of that claim. 


We will be back tomorrow night, here, on Rumble, at 7 p.m. EST, and every night, which is our regular time, and then, come back tomorrow night for an interactive show on Locals as well. 

Thanks, everybody for watching, and have a great evening. 

community logo
Join the Glenn Greenwald Community
To read more articles like this, sign up and join my community today
6
What else you may like…
Videos
Podcasts
Posts
Articles
Answering Your Questions About Tariffs

Many of you have been asking about the impact of Trump's tariffs, and Glenn addressed how we are covering the issue during our mail bag segment yesterday. As always, we are grateful for your thought-provoking questions! Thank you, and keep the questions coming!

00:11:10
In Case You Missed It: Glenn Breaks Down Trump's DOJ Speech on Fox News
00:04:52
In Case You Missed It: Glenn Discusses Mahmoud Khalil on Fox News
00:08:35
Listen to this Article: Reflecting New U.S. Control of TikTok's Censorship, Our Report Criticizing Zelensky Was Deleted

For years, U.S. officials and their media allies accused Russia, China and Iran of tyranny for demanding censorship as a condition for Big Tech access. Now, the U.S. is doing the same to TikTok. Listen below.

Listen to this Article: Reflecting New U.S. Control of TikTok's Censorship, Our Report Criticizing Zelensky Was Deleted
QUICK: Ask Questions for Today's Mailbag on System Update!

Because of the upcoming holiday, we’re doing our Q&A today. Fire away!

WWG🦋WGA

post photo preview

Happy Independence Day, all you American Greenwaldians!

post photo preview
post photo preview
Prof. John Mearsheimer on U.S.-Israel War with Iran, Gaza, Trump's Foreign Policy, and More
System Update #475

The following is an abridged transcript from System Update’s most recent episode. You can watch the full episode on Rumble or listen to it in podcast form on Apple, Spotify, or any other major podcast provider.  

System Update is an independent show free to all viewers and listeners, but that wouldn’t be possible without our loyal supporters. To keep the show free for everyone, please consider joining our Locals, where we host our members-only aftershow, publish exclusive articles, release these transcripts, and so much more!

AD_4nXefOQrpDx4IQ9Wqat2AzCk_0DMP26NNx8eKs-FadXSYHlOZSa_IQ14RB1tMnORk9m2yKAViu9dHoMeKozfljt8BurqHTxgR3emTP9ytECMN6CsVuyyS3g4JhFDTfCWlmvehQznSQyVLhhIjB4J336k?key=WUv3IEZeaoNzq4sx3s5kUg

The past ten days were filled with extremely weighty and consequential events in foreign policy, obviously beginning, of course, with Israel's attack on Iran and then Donald Trump's decision to bomb that country's nuclear facilities. Though that was ended relatively quickly – at least it seems so, and one certainly hopes – the fallout is likely to be vast and will unfold over the next many months. 

The understandable focus on that war in Iran has also served to obscure other perhaps equally significant events, including the still-worsening Israeli destruction of Gaza, the economic and political fallout from this war, the one we just had in Iran, the prospect of future regional conflict there, the ongoing war in Ukraine – remember that? – that's still going on, and also, what we learned from all of these events about Trump's foreign policy. 

Given the importance, but also the complexities, of those developments, we are thrilled to have one of the most knowledgeable and clear-thinking voices anywhere in our political discourse. He is Professor of International Relations and Political Science at the University of Chicago, John Mearsheimer.

 Professor Mearsheimer doesn't need any introduction, especially for our viewers, who have seen him on this show many times over the past several years and is one of our most popular and certainly one of our most enlightening guests. He's the author of the genuinely groundbreaking 2007 book “The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy,” as well as the highly influential 2014 article in the Journal of Foreign Affairs entitled: "Why the Ukraine Crisis is the West's Fault.” 

Only for Supporters
To read the rest of this article and access other paid content, you must be a supporter
Read full Article
post photo preview
Why Did Zohran Win in NYC? Plus: Gaza Pulitzer Prize Winner Mosab Abu Toha on the Latest Atrocities
System Update #476

The following is an abridged transcript from System Update’s most recent episode. You can watch the full episode on Rumble or listen to it in podcast form on Apple, Spotify, or any other major podcast provider.  

System Update is an independent show free to all viewers and listeners, but that wouldn’t be possible without our loyal supporters. To keep the show free for everyone, please consider joining our Locals, where we host our members-only aftershow, publish exclusive articles, release these transcripts, and so much more!

AD_4nXfJtEO736zZmhbu03029He2NIPgIwCSd0RIU3SmMbVVQJsIpozYQRKwJXRpuREKRc7lorAoninw1oXGzHd8iktV6mC_v9BiXr_wjVD9eXyP3SAX-8BYlkPPs38ylNHr9K8HzKNTIMXwiA3AU5Rrx5A?key=TIQi3Fa0JLGop5rXvVQtjA

Zohran Mamdani, who had been a relatively obscure member of the New York state assembly, scored one of the largest political upsets in New York city politics last night – arguably one of largest upsets in American politics – when he won the Democratic Party nomination for Mayor of New York City against multiple candidates led by Andrew Cuomo. 

Many on the political right, including people who had never heard of him until about six days ago, and even more so in the establishment Democratic Party politics, are absolutely horrified and even terrified by Zohran's win. They're acting as though it's some sort of invasion by al-Qaeda and ISIS combined with Mao's China. 

In fact, many on the right appear to think that Zohran, who's a leftist Muslim from Uganda, is some sort of unholy love child of Osama bin Laden and Josef Stalin. Establishment Democrats believe, as they did for Bernie's campaign in 2016 and the AOC's win in 2018, in her emergence as a leader of the left-wing of the Democratic Party, that their future as a party will be destroyed by having a young candidate energize huge amounts of young voters, including young male voters with an anti-establishment and economic populist agenda of the range of views that are absolutely hated by their big donors, who demand they adhere to corporatism, the kind of corporatist that most Americans on both sides of the aisle have come to hate. 

First, we will talk to Mosab Abu Toha, who is a Palestinian writer, poet and scholar from Gaza. He lived in Gaza with his family on October 7, after which the massive Israeli assault on the Gaza Strip began. His daughter is an American citizen, which enabled him and his wife to flee to Egypt with their daughter in December, but along the way, he was detained and disappeared by the IDF and was released only under significant international pressure. 

He wrote a series of essays for The New Yorker on the suffering and humanitarian crisis in Gaza, which won the 2025 Pulitzer Prize for Commentary, the awarding of which, needless to say, generated outrage and protest. The war in Iran has really served to obscure and hide the still-worsening crimes in Gaza over the last couple of weeks. We think it's very important to talk with someone as informed as he is about the latest Israeli atrocities and what has been happening in Gaza. 

AD_4nXfJtEO736zZmhbu03029He2NIPgIwCSd0RIU3SmMbVVQJsIpozYQRKwJXRpuREKRc7lorAoninw1oXGzHd8iktV6mC_v9BiXr_wjVD9eXyP3SAX-8BYlkPPs38ylNHr9K8HzKNTIMXwiA3AU5Rrx5A?key=TIQi3Fa0JLGop5rXvVQtjA

The Interview: Mosab Abu Toha

As we just noted, Mosab Abu Toha is a Palestinian writer, he's a poet, a scholar, and has worked hard on various libraries in Gaza as well. He was in Gaza when Israel began its massive assault after the October 7 attack, and he was able to flee with his wife and young daughter, who is an American citizen, though just barely. He was there for about two months when he was about to flee. He is now a Pulitzer Prize winner as a result of a series of essays he wrote last year in The New Yorker that chronicle and powerfully express the extreme human suffering of the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, and we are delighted to have him with us tonight to understand what has been happening there. 

G. Greenwald: Mosab, it's great to see you. Thank you so much for taking the time to talk to us. 

Mosab Abu Toha: Of course, it is my great pleasure. Thank you so much, Glenn, for having me. 

G. Greenwald: I wish we were meeting under better circumstances, I wish we had something less depressing and horrific to talk about, but the world is what it is. So, I just want to get a little bit of understanding from you since one of the things that you do is convey thoughts and emotions in words as a poet, as a writer, obviously, a now widely recognized one. 

As somebody who's lived in Gaza, it's not new to you to be bombed by the Israelis. Israel has been bombing Gaza, killing civilians over many, many years, but I think it was very obvious for a variety of reasons, not just October 7, but the composition of the current Israeli government, the obvious support the world was going to give them, that this is going to be far worse and quickly it turned out to be. So, you went to Gaza for about two months before you were able to get out. What were those two months like for you and your family? 

Mosab Abu Toha: First of all, it is important to note that I was born in a refugee camp. My parents were born themselves in refugee camps. My grandparents on both sides were expelled from Yaffa in 1948. So, I lived in Gaza all my life and I was a witness and a survivor of so many Israeli assaults. I was wounded in one of the airstrikes in 2008-2009. I survived by chance and I still have the wounds in my body: in my neck, in my forehead, in my cheeks and on my shoulder. So, surviving the genocide in Gaza was not the first time I survived the Israeli aggression. In fact, I was in the United States between 2022-2023. I returned to Gaza in 2023 after I finished my MFA from Syracuse University and I then traveled to the United States again for a literary festival, Palestine Writes, held at UPenn in Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. And I returned to Gaza 10 days before October 7 and I resumed my work as a teacher in Gaza. 

G. Greenwald: Can I just interrupt you there, because that literary festival that you're referring to shortly before October 7, as I recall, there was a gigantic movement, this was before October 7, to have that canceled simply because people like you and other Palestinians were participating and speaking critically of Israel. Can you just talk a little bit about that? Then I want to get back to what the experience was in Gaza. 

Mosab Abu Toha: Yeah. I would like to say, Glenn, that the criticism that I or other people are critical of Israel is not true. We are not critical of Israel. All we are doing is exposing the crimes that Israel has been committing, whether it's in the Gaza Strip or in the West Bank. So, I don't care if it was a different country, if it were a different people, I would still do the same thing, because this is happening to me and to my people, to my parents, to my children, and also to my grandchildren. So, it is not that people in Palestine or Palestinians or even pro-Palestinian people who care about human rights, it's not that they are critical of Israel or whatever you call it. It's that people are talking and advocating on behalf of the people who have been living under occupation for 77 years and this is perceived as a crime when you talk about crimes that are committed by a state that has been created in 1948 and that's been funded by, unfortunately, Western countries and also the United States until today, even as they are committing an ongoing genocide. 

So, it is shameful that some of the participants in the festival were canceled or not permitted to be on campus at the University of Pennsylvania in September 2023. But here we are, in 2025, Palestinian people, Palestinian writers and Palestinian journalists have been the main target of the Israeli airstrikes and Palestinian activists and pro-Palestinian activists have been canceled from so many places, even artists, even singers. They were canceled from big events because of what they say about the Palestinian people and their right to exist and to exist with dignity. 

G. Greenwald: Yeah, I mean, we covered so many censorship-based reactions to suppress pro-Palestinian speech, but I just thought it was important to remember that that's been happening in the United States well before October 7, and in fact, just a week or two before, at one of our great universities, the University of Pennsylvania, where apparently just the mere presence of Palestinian voices in the view of a lot of people justify trying to get the entire event canceled and ended up getting some of the people banned. 

All right, so you went back to Gaza after that event and shortly thereafter, the October 7 attack happened, then followed by this massive Israeli air assault on Gaza, unlike, I think, anything that has happened in Gaza for a long time, despite how terrible and fatal so many of the other ones were. Just in your own words, what was that like, just to be constantly surrounded by death, by the risk of death, by the fear that you would go to bed and not wake up? How did you navigate that? 

Mosab Abu Toha: So, it is important, Glenn, to note that Palestinians in Gaza have been massacred by the Israeli forces, the Israeli army, without – I mean, I was 31 years old when I left Gaza for the last time, I've never, before October 7, in my life, seen an Israeli soldier. Israel was bombing us from the sky, Israel was firing at us from gunboats and warships in the sea, in our sea, just seven or eight nautical miles off our shore. They were shooting at us, they were killing us, they were dropping bombs on us without us seeing. I've never seen an Israeli, not even one Israeli soldier, never seen any Israeli soldier or Israeli civilian, in my life. So, we have been killed, we have been abducted, we have been injured, our houses have been destroyed on top of our families, without us seeing who these people are, who have been killing us without us seeing. 

I mean, they see us from a screen. They see us as dots, black and white dots moving on the ground or maybe structures on the ground. Lately, they have been filming us through their drones, people who are trying to get aid. There are so many videos of people who try to go back to their homes to collect food and then there is footage of an Israeli drone missile hitting them and killing them. 

So, I lived in Gaza all my life and I've never seen an Israeli soldier. I was wounded and I don't know whether that soldier knew or whether that Israeli pilot who dropped the bomb in 2009 knew that they killed seven people in that airstrike and they wounded a 16-year-old child who became a Pulitzer Prize-winning author. 

So, when Israel attacked Gaza, it was not only a military attack. Israel did not only drop bombs, they did not fire bullets at people, unarmed people, but they also shut off electricity, shut off water, shut off food trucks. They control everything, right? So, it's not like Israel just attacked Gaza militarily. No, they blocked everything, even as we are talking, people do not have, not only enough food, because we always talk about the lack of food, the lack of water, the lack of shelter, but there is a lack of medicine. 

One of the relatives of my brother-in-law who was wounded in a strike that killed his brother 20 days ago, and I wrote about him in my last piece in the New Yorker, he was at the hospital, at al-Shifa hospital, and the shrapnel covered his body, and his arms and his body was wrapped in gauze, and he complained to the doctors that he has some pain in his body. And do you know what they gave him? They gave him something like Tylenol, something that you take when you have a headache. There's no medicine in Gaza. And even though there is no healthy food – the kind of food that is entering Gaza is canned food: canned beans, canned peas, sugar and frying oil. There is no fresh food, not only for people to grow normally, but even for those, the dozens of thousands of Palestinians who were injured. There is no healthy food. Fresh food like vegetables, fruit and meat, for them to heal. 

So, people in Gaza are dying several, times and if you allow me I mean because now as we are talking, today in Gaza, it's 2:20 a.m., it's Thursday today, June 26, as we are talking, just in the past hour, Israel bombed a tent in Khan Yunis, killing five people. And before that, yesterday, they killed 101 people all over the Gaza Strip. Of these people, there was a whole family, the Al-Dahdouh family. I wrote their names on my social media, I mean, we don't get to know the names of these people who are killed. The father is named Salah al-Dahdouh, his wife is Salwa al-Dahdouh, their children are Ahmad, son, Abdallah, son, Mostafa, son, and Alaa, his daughter. The brother of the father was killed, and then there was a nephew. So, the Israel attack on Gaza is not by killing them, but even by bombing the internet, bombing the electricity, not allowing people even to report. So, there is difficulty in reporting, not only by not allowing journalists, international journalists, to go to Gaza, but they are also bombing every means that Palestinians can use to report on their miseries and their suffering and their demise. 

So, that's why it is very important to talk about what's happening in Gaza and also in Palestine every day. Israel is killing people in Gaza and Palestine every day. That's why every day we have to speak, to talk, about Palestine. 

G. Greenwald: There's a lot, obviously, we could talk about; we cover a lot of the atrocities pretty much on a daily basis, or close to it, on this show. I do want to get, to that as well, just some of the more recent things that have been happening that, as I said, have been even more covered up than usual, not just by the lack of media in Gaza, international media, and the lack internet, but also by so much attention paid to what was happening in Iran.

I had John Mearsheimer on my show yesterday and we were both talking about how is it that the world can watch what's going on in Gaza, even to the extent that we get to see it, how is it the West, that's paying for it, that's enabling it, can watch what's happening? It's just no one seems to mind, nobody seems to care, nobody seems to be bothered by it, it just kind of goes on, no one is even close to stopping it. 

We just saw Trump order Netanyahu to turn the planes around from Iran, which obviously Biden could have done, Trump could have done at any time, and they just won't. I'm trying to figure out, like, how can this be? 

I think one of the ways that that happens is the language of dehumanization. So, I think a lot of Americans have this perception of what Gaza is, what Palestine is, radically different than the reality. I was interested in the work that you've done in creating libraries in Gaza. You're obviously very well-spoken. You just won a Pulitzer Prize for your writing in English. I've had Gazans on my show before who are very similarly highly educated, well-spoken. 

There is a whole network – there were at least – of Gazan universities and advanced centers of learning that are all now destroyed. Gaza had one of the highest literacy rates in the world before October 7. Some of the best doctors, respected all around the world as specialists in their field. Can you talk about what Gazan society and Gazan culture are like and how it has been just so completely destroyed in the last 20 months? 

Mosab Abu Toha: Sure, yeah, I mean, before I answer your question, I would like to highlight the fact that, for two years now, not a single student in Gaza has gone to school. The schools have become shelters, as we are talking. Just half an hour, at the same time that Israel bombed a tent in Khan Yunis, Israel bombed a classroom on the third floor of a school called Amr Ibn al-Aas in Sheikh Radwan, in Gaza City, and two or three people were reported to be killed. 

So, two years, no schools. So anyone who was five years old when Israel attacked Gaza on October 7 hasn't gone to school for two years. So, if my children were to be there at the moment, my five-year-old would have missed his first and second grades. For two years, students have missed their high school diploma tests. So, people in Gaza are missing not only their lives, but even those who survive are missing a lot in their own lives. 

The Gaza Strip lies on the beach of the Mediterranean Sea. Gaza is rich in its plants and trees. One of the best places in Gaza is a city or town called Beit Lahia and it's very, very famous for the strawberry farms. My father-in-law is a strawberry farmer and they also used to plant corn, onion, watermelon, oranges, and they used to even, I mean, when it is allowed, to export some of the strawberries to the West Bank. But I think Gaza is very beautiful, even though it has been under occupation since 1948 and it's been under siege since 2007. 

Israel controls how much food gets into Gaza, how many hours of electricity is available in Gaza, how much medicine is allowed to enter Gaza, what kind of equipment, medical equipment get into Gaza, how many books get into because when I was trying to build the Edward Said Public Library, two branches in 2017 and 2019 – and unfortunately Israel destroyed the two libraries just like they destroyed all the universities in Gaza – Israel was in control of the entry of these books into Gaza. Sometimes the books would be delayed by months. It usually takes eight weeks for any books or packages to enter Gaza. So, Israel was controlling every single aspect of our lives in Gaza, despite that, we managed to make Gaza as beautiful as we could. 

This campaign of destroying Gaza is nonstop. Israel has been blowing up the houses in Bethlehem: 70%, this is an old statistic, 70% of Gaza has been either destroyed or damaged by not only Israeli airstrikes, while people are sleeping, but even the houses that people had to live in because Israel announced them to be a combat zone. Israel has been systematically blowing these houses up, and there are so many videos of Israeli soldiers documenting the blowing up of neighborhoods and of schools, of their bulldozers destroying a hospital in north Gaza just next to the Indonesian hospital in Beit Lahia. 

Israel has systematically been destroying everything in Gaza. So, the question is not about when there will be a cease-fire in Gaza, although the cease-fire is just the beginning of a bigger change in Palestine. The question is, even after the cease-fire, Israel is trying to make it impossible for people to live again. So, let's say there is a cease-fire today. There are no schools in Gaza; 70% of the population in Gaza do not have homes, they are living in tents. Even though they are living in tents, including some of my family members, these tents get bombed. 

Just a few days ago, Glenn, my neighbor was killed in an airstrike when Israel hit a group of people walking next to it. She was inside her tent. These tents are pulled up on the street. So, she was killed while she was inside her tent. Her mother is still critically wounded, and all her brothers were wounded. So, Israel continues to destroy, to decimate as much of Gaza as possible, and there is a systematic destruction of the refugee camps in Gaza. Something that I wrote about in one of my pieces in The New Yorker is that Israel is not only destroying Gaza, the cities, the villages and the towns, but they are also destroying refugee camps. 

The refugee camps after 1948 were groups of tents here and there. Their refugee status continued for years and years, then people started to build rooms from concrete, and, over the years, they started to build multistory buildings. So, the refugee camp changed into a small city. 

So, Israel currently destroyed most, I mean, much of the Jabalia refugee camp, the largest refugee camp in Gaza. So, these are people, now, who lived in the refugee camp or people who were born in refugee camps like me and now are living in tents on the street, and maybe sheltering in a school, in a hospital, these people now are dreaming of returning to the refugee camps. So, this is the fault of the world. 

This is the fault of the word because they left the Palestinian people to live in refugee camps, they left them without protection and they not only left them without protection, they continue to support, to fund Israel's genocide, like the United States cut its funding for UNRWA, which has been responsible for the delivery of aid and for the education of so many people, including me. So, this world is not working properly, really. It's very strange for us to be watching this, even 20 months after the start of the genocide and for me to watch it from here, from the United States. 

G. Greenwald: Yeah, it's got to be almost impossible.

I know I don't need to tell you, but for people who are watching, I mean, the control of Gaza by the Israelis – including it probably intensified since they removed troops, which they had there in 2005 – the control that continued was so great that the Israelis had phrases like really macabre, horrific, dark phrases like mowing the lawn, which meant let's just go in and kill some Palestinians or let's put the Palestinians on a diet when they would cut back the amount of food that they allowed in into Gaza. This has been the mentality going on for a long time. 

I want to just to ask you something: we talk a lot about the number of people in Gaza who have been slaughtered since October 7, the Israelis are now open about the fact that they want to make Gaza uninhabitable to force people to leave, to kill them until they leave, to destroy civilization until they leave. It's at least a policy of ethnic cleansing. One thing that I think about a lot, though, is, for the people who do survive, who are able to survive the genocide, survive this ethnic cleansing, this onslaught, I have to think about, how is it possible that they'd have a future? 

I live in Brazil, in Rio de Janeiro, which is a city, especially in poorer areas, that has a very high level of violence, drug gangs and the like, very high murder rates and I know some people who grew up there and they talk about, one time when I was seven years old, I saw a dead body on the ground twice, when I was in my teenage years, I saw a gun shootout, and they talk about how psychologically scarring that is for life, like to be exposed to those kinds of horrors even once or twice while you're growing up. And here you have this massive civilian population in Gaza, 50% of them are children, and the last two years, their lives have been nothing but bombing and destruction and murder and fear of death. Just psychologically, how do you think that the people who are there who do survive will be able to overcome that and, at some point, return to a normal semblance of life? 

Mosab Abu Toha: Well, this is a very hard question to answer. It's very obvious that the population that's been trying to survive – I mean, I don't like to say that people live in Gaza. No, people are trying to survive in Gaza because there is a difference between living in Gaza and trying to survive a genocide. 

So, these people, for 20 months, at least, haven't lived a single day without suffering, without looking for food, looking for medicine, looking for water. I mean, Glenn, I was in Gaza for the first two months. I remember walking in the street looking for water to fill a bucket of water for my children and for my wife, to wash the dishes, maybe to have a shower in the school, because there are no services in the school shelters, by the way. 

I remember walking in the city and seeing five-year-old children standing in line to fill a bucket of water for their families, or children maybe 10 years old. I saw some of my students standing in line to get a pack of bread and that was in October and November 2023, that was before Israel tightened its genocide. So, these children, five or seven years old, are no longer children. These children are not practicing childhood. 

This is a very dangerous reality and it should also be a signal that there would be a very dangerous future for these children. So, 50% of the population in Gaza is children. So, the question is for the Americans, for the Europeans who have been funding Israel's genocide and ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians in Gaza and also in the West Bank: what do they expect of these Palestinians once this genocide comes on in? So, what kind of people is the world expecting to see in the future? That's a question that I don't have an answer to, but I'm sure that these people, Palestinian people who have been surviving the genocide in Gaza, will no longer be normal. 

I'm not a scientist, I am not a psychologist, but I think people in the world, especially officials, politicians and decision-makers, should think seriously about this. What kind of people are we going to see after the genocide comes to an end? What kind of people are going to be those who have been living under occupation? I don't have an answer to that, but if you think about it, I think there are many answers. 

G. Greenwald: Yeah, I couldn't agree more. A couple more questions: there's this old phrase, it's often attributed to Stalin, I'm not really sure. I don't think anyone is sure if he's really the one who said it. It’s this idea that when one person dies, it is a tragedy, when 1000 people die, it's a statistic. We often talk about, oh, 50,000 people are dead or 100,000 people dead in Gaza, and so often, as you said, the names of the people aren't very well known. We don't talk about them; we don't humanize them. 

One of the people who was killed after October 7 is a friend of yours, Refaat Alareer, who was a very well-known and accomplished poet. He has a book, “If I Must Die,” a poem that was turned into a book after he died, which became a bestseller in the United States and the West, and it's really remarkable. I got a copy, I read it and I really encourage people to do so. 

He was killed in an airstrike in December, so just a couple of months after October 7, and he was killed in his house, along with his sister and several of her children. Then, I guess, I don't know, what is it, five months later, his eldest daughter and her grandson were separately killed in airstrikes on their home as well. It just kind of gives you a sense for the number of families being wiped out. 

He was English speaking, he participated in the American Discourse, and one of the things that happened – I think people have really overlooked this, I want to make sure it's not forgotten and I want to get your views on this: after October 7, as we know, there were all these lies that were told about what was done in Israel, that children were killed in ovens, which obviously invokes the Holocaust by design; that babies were cut out of the wombs of their mothers, none of which ended up being true. Refaat, on Twitter, responding to these kinds of insane lies that were being told, mocked them. 

We have the tweet on October 29 where he said, “With or without baking powder?”, obviously mocking the idea that they were killed in ovens, which turned out to be a complete lie: 

AD_4nXerf2K5MrSKeKmWkMOl72MKiEBDlDx4hqzNJsmIz38o0Hxvzl9zwS1UiD0Xu6a4TjeRnprR1wRerKjfZ0sbyxtHP34mjYdmUOQM95fYthLEUJav40zF1bwjONBvrruubeH0wZIbTp0-ddEM5Zlynq8?key=TIQi3Fa0JLGop5rXvVQtjA

And Bari Weiss, who obviously has a big platform, immediately seized on that and put a target on his back: 

AD_4nXduUz3N_uoMUocamdkV4kMYB_G17QaVuYoUrISWhcfFV5_j8V9F_sQyqxiWi6vSuqtrd74DXr4fydwv6w9RkOyMoKLf8myVCd1RjZMiMB0iJEYHhNmJHbOfTyPXNJTaYtqNOCGZjZrB7qofTuIPcD8?key=TIQi3Fa0JLGop5rXvVQtjA

An obvious distortion of what he said. The claim that Bari Weiss made that babies were killed in an oven was a complete and total lie disseminated by the Israeli government. And then he went the next day and said:

AD_4nXe4cc6Th_f_BiOooTd8He-WZqgATARn_ro-mP_7GA5G-LbmBSZovnU3x9ddzrlmigL7ONq2Or4vzvqYop4PAvs3oUq5k9Up98pbXtf9CafcN5-DiU5Fh9t6P17q0SdNQ-uMfAKsVENiS89G9k42Dyw?key=TIQi3Fa0JLGop5rXvVQtjA

Then, about a month later, he was dead at a targeted bombing of his home. Lots of human rights groups believe it was deliberate. Can you reflect on him and his work, but also how you see that killing and Bari Weiss's role in at least spreading these lies, if not helping to target him? 

Mosab Abu Toha: Of course. First of all, Refaat was a professor of English and Comparative Literature at the University of Gaza, where I studied, where I did my bachelor's degree. He was someone like a mentor. He was one of the founders of “We Are Not Numbers,” which is a group that is dedicated to mentoring emerging writers in Gaza, in the West Bank and also the refugee camps in Lebanon, Jordan, and Syria. So, Refaat introduced me to that project in 2014-2015, so, in fact, Refaat was killed in his sister's house in Gaza City. His sister, Asmaa, lived in Gaza City, and he also lived in Gaza City, but he evacuated his house, so Refaat, by the time he entered his sister's house, he was bombed in that apartment. He was killed along with his sister Asmaa and four nephews, along with one of Refaat’s brothers. 

Refaat was known for his satire. Of course, he and me and other Palestinians would never believe that any Palestinian, whether it's Hamas or other people, would burn babies, put people in ovens, or behead babies, I don't know what, I mean, even an evil person wouldn't do that. So, of course, he thought that this was a lie, this is a joke or something, and there is no evidence that that happened.

G. Greenwald: And it was proven to be a lie. He was absolutely right. It did not happen. It was a complete fabrication. 

Mosab Abu Toha: Yeah. Yeah. I mean, if you go back, if you go to Refaat’s social media accounts before October 7, you would see a lot of jokes. So that was one of his jokes, and it was used against him. It's like one of the posts when I say, when I commented about an Israeli hostage, Emily Demary, and I said, how on Earth is this soldier a hostage while other Palestinians, like me, who were abducted from checkpoints, from hospitals, from school shelters, are called prisoners or detainees. 

G. Greenwald: Right, they're putting them in danger without any charges, and they're convicted of nothing, and those are prisoners, and yet people who are active IDF soldiers found in tanks, found in combat, who are taken as prisoners of war, those are all hostages. 

Mosab Abu Toha: Yeah, so that was one of my questions. And then that was used against me, until after I won the Pulitzer. Oh, he is denying his status as a hostage; this is an anti-Semite. She called me a Holocaust denier. So, it's really irritating and it's ridiculous even to call someone like me a Holocaust denier, someone who has never talked about the Holocaust. In fact, I have some of the books that are about the holocaust that I relate to, that I feel very outraged when I read about the experiences of the Jewish people at the hands of Europeans, not Palestinians. 

So, Refaat's tweet, and I remember that post when Bari Weiss posted that, just to get a lot of hate, more hate for Refaat. Refaat was a Palestinian poet, essayist, a fiction writer, an editor of a book called “Gaza Writes Back,” which he published in 2014, an anthology of short stories by some of his students at the University of Gaza and other students from other universities. 

It's been devastating that Refaat was killed in his sister's house and then, a few months later, his daughter Shayma was killed with her baby, whom Refaat himself didn't see because his daughter was still pregnant. So, Shayma was killed with her baby, Abd al-Rahman, and with her husband, an engineer called Mohammed Siyam. And, by the way, Glenn, there is something that people don't know, which is that that poem, If I Must Die, which is the title of that book you referred to, in fact that poem was written in 2011 and that poem was dedicated to his daughter Shayma.

G. Greenwald: The one who died in that airstrike with her infant son. 

Mosab Abu Toha: Exactly. So the poem Refaat re-shared the poem after October 7. So that's how people came to know the poem. So, just imagine, in that poem, he's telling his daughter, if I must die, you should live, to tell my stories, to sell my things, to make a kite, that's the meaning of the poem; if I must die let it bring hope, let it be a tale. And we, truth tellers, writers, poets, journalists, we should write the tale of those whose voices were taken away from them by killing them and their families. So that was his message to his daughter, who unfortunately was killed in an air strike. 

So in that poem, to me, it's very clear that the I and the you were killed. That's why the you must become a collective you, that every one of us, the free people of the world who care about the human beings, especially those who have been living under occupation and siege and apartheid for decades, not for months, not four years, for decades, we should be the voices of these people, especially because we know what's happening or what has been happening. 

G. Greenwald: Yes. Mosab, I know you have time constraints. It was such a pleasure speaking with you. I think your voice is uniquely valuable and important to be heard by as many people as possible. So, we're definitely going to be harassing you to come back on the show. I had a lot more to talk about, but I want to respect your time as well, but super appreciative for you to come on. It's great speaking with you. 

Mosab Abu Toha: Thank you so much. I appreciate it. 

G. Greenwald: All right, have a good evening. 

AD_4nXfJtEO736zZmhbu03029He2NIPgIwCSd0RIU3SmMbVVQJsIpozYQRKwJXRpuREKRc7lorAoninw1oXGzHd8iktV6mC_v9BiXr_wjVD9eXyP3SAX-8BYlkPPs38ylNHr9K8HzKNTIMXwiA3AU5Rrx5A?key=TIQi3Fa0JLGop5rXvVQtjA

So, I want to talk about the extraordinary victory – and it was truly extraordinary – last night, in the Democratic Party primary, of Zohran Mamdani, who has really vanquished a political dynasty, the Cuomos. 

However, I just want to note, though, in relation to that last segment, that shortly before we went on air, Donald Trump, I guess, just learned for the first time that Benjamin Netanyahu, who is facing extremely serious corruption charges and is on trial for those corruption charges. These are not things like an accounting scheme to cover-up payments to a porn star or anything else like Donald Trump was accused of. This is hardcore, real corruption. It would have probably gotten him out of office a long time ago, had it not been for the various wars that he started. Lots of people believe that's one of the reasons why he needed these wars: to stay in office. 

Right before we were going on air, President Trump put out a quite lengthy and passionate, spirited statement on Truth Social in which he essentially said, “I know that Benjamin Netanyahu is now being called to return to his trial on Monday. This is an outrage.” I read it several times and I'm summarizing it very accurately. He said these trials should be canceled and/or Prime Minister Netanyahu should be completely pardoned. Then he went on to say that he and Bibi Netanyahu just secured a very tough, important victory against what he called Israel's longtime enemy, not the United States’ long-term enemy, but Israel's long-time enemy, Iran. 

He's essentially saying we just together fought a war against Israel's enemy, which is, of course, exactly what that war was and the reason why it was fought. Then he went on through this long, lengthy expression of outrage over the fact that Bibi Netanyahu is facing criminal charges. At the end, he said, the United States just saved Israel, and the United States will also now save Bibi Netanyahu. 

So, Trump himself is describing this war as one against Israel's longtime enemy and that the United States just saved Israel. There are a lot of people who get extremely outraged when you observe that it seems like this is another war for Israel being fought, not for the United States' interest, but for Israel, against Israel's enemy, not the United States’ enemy. Yet, President Trump, apparently, sees it that way as well, based on what he's saying, and instead of focusing on the people that he promised to protect and work for, namely the forgotten American worker, remember he's right now back to trying to interfere in the Israeli court system and the Israeli domestic politics by demanding that his very close friend, Bibi Netanyahu, be pardoned because he fought a good war. I don't really understand the relationship between those two things, but that is what President Trump said. 

AD_4nXfJtEO736zZmhbu03029He2NIPgIwCSd0RIU3SmMbVVQJsIpozYQRKwJXRpuREKRc7lorAoninw1oXGzHd8iktV6mC_v9BiXr_wjVD9eXyP3SAX-8BYlkPPs38ylNHr9K8HzKNTIMXwiA3AU5Rrx5A?key=TIQi3Fa0JLGop5rXvVQtjA

AD_4nXcSIISp-Ah6qbCH1ZgWDtri0mNTsFJFxDYUqWec3dLUQc3N6sMZ4UNXUnAwVs2v1R3XQtX5h43nI2HpHkSY3XAXkO4MNmOhpPuCYDNEj4oI5c8r3rZwGeOWHk_J34yn5uR2bAbJTcR3IAd-AHydk9w?key=TIQi3Fa0JLGop5rXvVQtjA

Zohran Mamdani's victory last night is extraordinary for a lot of reasons. Back in February, so I'm not talking about a year ago, I'm talking about four months ago. All the polling showed Andrew Cuomo with his gigantic lead. Obviously, he has massive name recognition, part of a beloved political dynasty. I mean, Mario Cuomo, for those who didn't live through that time in the eighties, was probably the most beloved Democrat in a long time. But then he had these two sons, Andrew and Chris, and Chris ended up parlaying that last name and those connections into being a journalist and his other brother, Andrew, was basically groomed to be the president of the United States from a very young age. He went around with his father everywhere, just the absolute classic nepo baby. And then he got all sorts of positions in Democratic Party politics because of his dad. At a very young age, he was made a cabinet secretary in the Clinton administration. In the early 1990s, he married a Kennedy, Kerry Kennedy Cuomo. 

The entire thing was being shaped, from the very beginning, to groom Andrew Cuomo as part of this political dynasty based on the nepotistic benefits he got from being Mario Cuomo's son, not just to be governor of New York, but to be the president of the United States. That was absolutely where Cuomo is headed. It was supposedly remembered that liberals turned him into the hero of the COVID crisis saying only he was acting with the level of aggression necessary and all of that came completely crashing down because he had a litany of women who credibly accused him of sexual assault, sexual harassment, and this was a couple of years after Democrats made the Me Too movement. His brother also ended up getting fired from CNN because he was plotting with his brother about how to discredit these female accusers while he was still on CNN. And then it turned out that his greatness on COVID, which was his greatest strength that was going to jettison him to the presidency, ended up being one of his worst disgraces because he kept a bunch of old people locked in nursing homes and a lot of them ended up dying as a result. 

We covered all that before, but suffice to say, nonetheless, four years later, he comes back with much less ambition, already the governor of New York with three terms. He resigned in the middle of his third term, having been groomed to be president. 

Now they kind of convinced him, look, you're 67, the only thing there is for you to do is to run for mayor. He clearly thought it was beneath him, wasn't particularly excited, thought his victory was inevitable, and it looked like it was. Who's going to beat a Cuomo in Democratic Party politics? And not just because they're Cuomo, but he has all the billionaire money behind him. 

 

In February, when I really started paying attention to Zohran's campaign, because I could kind of tell it had the big potential to really take off, I could just tally at a lot of political talent, that he was forming a campaign that can really connect. You don't know for sure, but I noted at the time that it seemed very interesting to me that what he was doing was very different. You can see he had a lot of political talent. It reminded me of AOC, where, say what you want about her now, and I have mostly negative things to say about her, there's no denying that she has a kind of charisma and a political talent as well. 

But anyway, still, I mean, even though I was interested in and could see the potential, I never imagined that he would actually win. I just thought, oh, this is going to be a political star, he's probably going to end up attracting a good number of left-wing voters. But never imagined he would defeat the Cuomo dynasty and all the billionaire money behind it. 

As Zohran started increasing in the polls and then clearly became the main threat to Cuomo, huge amounts of billionaire money, largely afraid, in part about Zohran's democratic socialist policy, kind of a type of democratic socialism of Bernie Sanders and AOC. I know people want to call it communism, which just isn't. But obviously, people on Wall Street hated it, which definitely means things like increasing taxes on the rich, redistributing resources to the working class and poor people. It is that philosophy that people on Wall Street hate, that big billionaires hate. Also, he's a very outspoken critic of Israel, which in New York, with a very large Jewish population, a very large pro-Israel faction that's very powerful, is typically not something you can be. I mean, even the Democrats who won, like Ed Koch and Bill de Blasio, have been typically pro-Israel. That's just a red line for any politician who has ambitions in New York. 

He has said things like he supports a boycott and divestment sanction; he's talked about globalizing the intifada. Interestingly, unlike people who, when they run for office, have their past quotes dug up and are confronted with them and they repudiate them immediately, like Kamala Harris reputed everything she said she believed when running for president in the Democratic primary in 2019 and they brought it all to her when she was running in the general election. 

Mamdani did not do any of that. He was asked, “Do you still support the globalizing intifada instead of running away from it?” And he said, “Yeah, I do, but I think it's often distorted. It doesn't mean anything more than a struggle, a resistance, not blowing people up.” He supports boycotting Israel; he didn't repudiate that. He was asked whether, given Benjamin Netanyahu's indictment and the warrants for his arrest issued by the ICC, he would have him arrested if he came to New York, and he said he would. So, obviously, a lot of billionaires like Bill Ackman, whose primary loyalty is to Israel, were desperate to make sure Mamdani didn't win. 

I promise you, Bill Ackman does not care about zoning laws or the efficiency of services in New York. He has about 10 estates all over the world. To the extent he lives in New York, he lives in a $30 million duplex apartment very high above Manhattan, he chauffeured around in cars and the like. That's not his interest. His interest was in stopping somebody who was critical of Israel, and he put huge amounts of money, as did other billionaires, into packs for Andrew Cuomo that largely just attacked Zohran Mamdani as an anti-Semite, all the rest. And none of it worked, even though usually those things are guaranteed to work in any major democratic race. 

It's very difficult when I watch Democrats trying to convince Americans that Donald Trump was a Hitler-like figure, it's like a vicious dictator who was going to put people in camps. One of the reasons why it was so hard to do that, why it was so obviously destined to fail, was because Trump doesn't read that way. Americans watched him for four years in the presidency and they, even the ones who didn't like him, didn't see him as Hitler. And so, this attempt to try to turn Zohran Mamdani into a raging anti-Semite, I mean, we showed you a few of these tweets throughout the week, just absolutely insane ones from people saying his election would be an existential threat to New York Jews. What is he going to do, like round them up from synagogues and put them in concentration camps, is that what Zohran Mamdani is going to do? 

The reason it doesn't work is that you just listen to the guy for three minutes and you see that he is not anything resembling that. He has a lot of policies, especially culture war ones, with which I'm uncomfortable. His economic policies are ones that obviously a lot of people are going to have problems with, but the idea that he's like Osama bin Laden, or Joseph Stalin, that just doesn't work. If you just listen to who he is, how he speaks, what he says – there has to be some alignment with the smears with the person in order for it to work. 

A lot of liberals have this monolithic view that everybody on the right has the same exact views of everything, there are no divisions, and of course you pay attention to right-wing politics, there are major ideological rifts and divisions and debates. We saw it with the Iran war and many other issues already, H-1B visas, all sorts of things. But a lot of people on the right see the Democratic Party as this monolith as well. They think like Chuck Schumer, Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden, Nancy Pelosi are the same, like, AOC or Bernie or Zohran, and it's completely untrue. 

New York City doesn't elect socialists. When they elect Democrats, they elect very established – Ed Koch was a very centrist member of Congress for a long time, very pro-Israel, always at war with the left-wing of the Democratic Party, kind of the classic New York city mayor, very outspoken, loud, kind of charismatic in his own sort of way. And even Bill de Blasio, who was considered more progressive, had very close relations with the large New York City developers, even though Wall Street didn't like Bill de Blasio. 

So, it's hard to overstate what a sea change this is. Even if you think New York City is a cesspool of baffling, it's not. I mean, it is in little places, but a citywide election, that's not who wins in New York. 

Here, just to give you a sense of the funding gap. I'm doing this because I want to underscore to you how improbable this victory is, what a reflection of it it is of a remarkable sea change in how American voters are thinking about politics or thinking about elections, what they respond to, what they don't respond to, not just on the left, but on the right, not in Democratic Party or the Republican Party, but across the spectrum. 

AD_4nXfmqcyWY5hszM_ZgVpseXQysH8q33M0UFFFfhBhMEyFZbHrymX_5KWejL6IAx99ZNKjkMxoFgP29o-N_WY9adfaxtFkksZb-CW1ZoBtKgHq1SPMG8rqGU1-VN2UTqTiRWbQ7-lBuXBXMguj2hpO_do?key=TIQi3Fa0JLGop5rXvVQtjA

You have three types of funding: campaign funding directly, matching public funds and then aligned super PACs. Andrew Cuomo had at least $35 million, $35.6 million. In second place, was Zohran with 9.1, almost entirely small donors. So, look at this gap, talking about a gap of $25 million – $25 billion for a city-wide race. And that's why people are describing it as such a major upset.

Now, just so you don't think I'm like hopping on some train once it left the station, pretending that I knew all along, I've watched Zohran for quite a while now, but I'm going to show you the reasons why. Back in February, when he was at less than 1% of the polls, I just wanted to draw people's attention to him, even though nobody was paying attention then, because I could see the kind of campaign he was running. I, for the first time, understood what his political talent was. It's just like a native inborn thing that you either have or you don't. He has it. He's a very effective political speaker, but he just kind of has an energy that people find attractive and appealing. And to be clear, I hate the fact that if you analyze somebody's political appeal in a positive way, people are like, “Oh, you're a cheerleader for him. You must love him.” I went through this with Donald Trump for so many years, I would say liberals don't understand Trump's appeal. He's funny, he is charismatic and exciting and he vessels and channels anti-establishment hatred, which is the driving force of American politics and American political life, and you should understand that about him. 

I can admit that the people I can't stand most, Dick Cheney, are very smart. I can acknowledge that attribute of theirs without liking them. So, what I'm saying here is it's important to understand why's Zohran had this political appeal. It doesn't mean you like him or hate him. It's a completely separate question. 

So back in February, I wrote this:

AD_4nXcK-v6KCEnuwTyp7LP-G1IrHv4NjO_qnW10En5eUeH0cO2jXySdE6PniaI6EZbt36kMRiPzGwCX4wQ35SydndF5AwV21DUhEhJGCW_cptLcj6RG56VJr7ZxTDTEYUvdg5FhjpP0_czm3sF_SgZVuW4?key=TIQi3Fa0JLGop5rXvVQtjA

So, it was clear to me something was happening there. I'm not suggesting I knew he was going to win. I just knew that there was a lot of potential there, people should pay more attention to him. And so the question is, okay, why did this happen? 

So, I want to show you a video that was probably the first thing that really attracted my attention to him and why I thought he was just a very different kind of Democrat. 

 This is at a time when Joy Reid and MSNBC were telling everybody that Trump won simply because white voters are too racist and misogynist to vote for a black woman, which is a very self-certifying, pleasant narrative to tell yourself. But here's what Zohran did. He went specifically to the neighborhoods in New York City that had the biggest swing from Democratic voters to Trump. They weren't the Upper West Side or the East Side. They were poor neighborhoods, working-class neighborhoods, racially diverse neighborhoods, or even predominantly Black or Latino neighborhoods, immigrant neighborhoods. All he did was go around and ask them why they voted for Trump and the things that they told him clearly shaped what he decided to do when forming his own campaign and the issues that he wanted to emphasize. In other words, he went to speak to the people of New York and asked why they were dissatisfied and then formed a campaign to speak to what their dissatisfactions and desires were. Imagine doing that. He didn't go to consultants or political strategists or whatever; he really just went and talked to voters. 

Listen to what happened. Listen to how he did it, too. 

Video. Zohran Mamdani, X. November 15, 2024.

That's a very good sampling of why a lot of people voted for Trump. The Democrats want to send all our money to wars in Ukraine and Israel, we can't afford things, they only care about the wealthy. 

The things that they care about are obvious, the things that they encounter every day in their lives, the bus fares and the cost of rent and the like. And that's what his entire campaign was structured around. 

A lot of people found tweets of his from 2020 when he was in his mid to late twenties, running for New York assembly right during Black Lives Matter. Tons of left-wing culture war, nonsense, lots of extreme positions. He was positioning himself for a very left-wing seat in the state assembly, stuff like defund the police over and over, queer liberation requires defund of the police. Things that, obviously, if you're running in a citywide election, you're not going to run on. And he didn't. He ran a very economic populist campaign, despite being called a communist or a socialist or whatever. 

I want to show you this clip that I also found incredibly interesting. So, this is one that he did in January, when again, people really weren't paying attention to him and he posted a video with a tweet, and the tweet said: “Chicken over rice now costs $10 or more. It's time to make halal eight bucks again.”

Video. Zohran Mamdani, X. January 13, 2025.

 If you live in New York City, one of the things you see everywhere is street vendors. Lots of people buy food from street vendors, like snacks, pretzels, or all kinds of ethnically diverse food that you can eat from. If you don't have time to sit in a restaurant, you grab something from one of these street vendors and, especially in the more working-class neighborhoods, it's where people eat and people are complaining that the price of that food is increasing. If you're Andrew Cuomo, you don't eat at these; you have no idea about any of this. If you're Bill Ackman, obviously you don’t have any clue. You think that voters are going to vote on the fact that Iran is not pro-Israel enough, voters in New York City, that's what they wake up and care about? Just like the Democrats thought voters were going to wake up and care about Trump having praised a fascist, or fascist or Hitler, or whatever, so removed from their lives, or Ukraine. 

This is what populism is. I saw people today, a lot of conservatives, saying when I called it economic populism, “Oh, socialism is an economic populist.” No, when you appeal to people's life, when you tell them the rich and corporations are running roughshod over you, are preventing you from having a survivable or affordable life, and that's what became his keyword is affordability which obviously a lot of New Yorkers are being driven out of New York City, they can't afford it anymore, things are too expensive. 

So, look at what he did in this video. You tell me if this is like some sort of Stalinist communist, at least in terms of how he ran his campaign. He wanted to understand why chicken over rice, something that people eat every day in New York City, especially in more working-class neighborhoods, and why that food has increased. So he did his analysis, and concluded that the solution was to change a few things.

The laws that he's promoting here, the four laws are number one, better access to business licensing, repeal criminal liability for street vendors, services for vendors, and reform the sitting rules. It's almost like libertarian, like “Oh, there's too much bureaucracy, too many too many rigorous permit requirements, they have to pay someone else as a permit owner $20,000 a year, which obviously affects food prices. 

I mean, on top of the very kind of regular person appeal of that, talking about things that people care about a lot, things that are affecting their lives, talking about solutions to them in a very non-ideological way. There's also a lot of humor in there, a lot of kind of flair, something you want to watch. It's not like a lecture, it's not like an angry rant. You look at this and it's not hard to see why he won. 

Now, let me show you the counterattack, the way they thought the Andrew Cuomos of the world thought they were going to sabotage him. It's an amazing thing.

 This is the New York mayoral debate. There were, I think, seven candidates, eight candidates on the stage, and it was hosted by the local NBC News affiliate. And just listen to this question that they thought was important for people wanting to be New York City mayor to answer and how they all answered, except for Zohran. 

Video. New York Mayoral Debate, NBC News. June 4, 2025.

So, do you see how excited Andrew Cuomo got? He really did base a huge part of his campaign on his loyalty to Israel, his love of Israel, his long-time support for Israel, his father's support for Israel, his family's support for Israel. And you heard those voters who voted for Trump when asked why. Did any of them say, “Oh, I think Democrats are insufficiently pro-Israel?” No, no one said that. These people aren't waking up and thinking, I want to make sure my mayor is going to go to Israel as the very first foreign visit. 

It was supposed to be controversial that he said, “Look, I'm the New York City mayor. That's what I'm running for. Not the Secretary of State. I'm not thinking about foreign trips. I'm actually wanting to represent the people of New York City. I'm going to stay here at home and talk to the people I'm supposed to be working for. Why would I plan my overseas trips and make sure Israel is for?” 

“Oh, a lot of them said Israel. One of them, said, “Oh, the Holy Land, Israel.” So that was supposed to be the kind of thing that they thought was going to sabotage him. They have these old ideas on their heads about what you can and can't do. That's why Trump won, too. He broke all of those rules that people thought were still valid and he proved they weren't. 

Now, just a couple of things here. If you want to win in the Democratic primary in New York City, you can't just rely on left-wing voters. Like DSA, Democratic Socialists of America, AOC-Bernie types, that can give you a certain momentum, a certain energy, but you're not going to win a city-wide race just with those kinds of voters. You have to attract a lot of normie, liberal Democrats. That's who lives in New York City. 

 They're not people who hate Hillary Clinton or Joe Biden. These are not them. There are some in places like Brooklyn and Queens, but the majority of Democrats in New York City and most liberal American cities are very normal Democrats. They love the democratic establishment; they love Pelosi and Chuck Schumer. Chuck Schumer represents New York and has forever. That's who they like. That's what you need to attract: those voters. 

 

They've become convinced that the Democrats has this kind of aged stagnant, listless, slow, uninteresting leadership base. And it's true. It's basically an aristocracy. Obviously, the debacle with Biden underscored that more than anything. They were being told they had to get behind someone who was suffering from dementia. And so, they want this kind of new energy, this exciting energy. That's a big part of it. 

It was kind of a referendum on what Democrats want their party to be. They don't want to be voting for a 67-year-old person of politics for 40 years, who has billionaire money behind him as part of the democratic establishment, who was in the Clinton cabinet, have Bill Clinton kind of come in from wherever he is and be like, yeah, I'm endorsing Andrew Cuomo. That's not appealing to these Democrats anymore. They know that they can't keep going down that road. 

So that's part of it. But I really think a big part of is that the primary division, not just American politics, but politics throughout the democratic world, certainly something we've talked a lot about before, is the difference between someone perceived to be part of the establishment and someone who seems to be an outsider, who hates the establishment. There are a lot of people in the United States, millions, who voted twice for President Obama in 2008, 2012, and then voted for Donald Trump in 2016. That's a reason why Trump won. And people who continue to cling to this archaic, obsolete way of understanding American politics, whether it's about left v. right, conservative v. socialist, whatever, they can't process that. 

In 2016, there were a lot of people who were saying to reporters, my two favorite candidates are Trump and Bernie Sanders. And again, same thing, if you think everything's a right v. left, you'd be like, what are these people? They're crazy? That makes no sense. But when you see that things are about hatred for the establishment, a desire to reject establishment candidates and vote for outsiders who seem anti-establishment, you understand why Obama won against, first, Hillary Clinton, and then, John McCain. 

Zohran Mamdani is obviously an outsider candidate, very unknown, very young, doesn't speak like those other candidates, certainly doesn't speak like Andrew Cuomo, doesn't have billionaire backing, is highly critical on a fundamental level of the political establishment. That's a major reason why he won as well. 

I really believe that one of the things that was like Trump's superpower was, as I said, that he didn't care that the things he was saying were supposedly disqualifying. He wouldn't retract them. I remember in 2015 when he had a pretty sizable lead, people were shocked by it. But they thought, “Oh, it's just early. This is the kind of candidate Republicans flirt with but won't actually vote for. They're going to snap it to line at the end and vote for Jeb Bush.”  

In 2015, he gave an interview that's now notorious where he said, when asked about John McCain, who never liked Trump, and he was asked about his heroism and Trump said, “I don't know that he's so heroic. He crashed a plane and got captured. I prefer soldiers and heroes who don't get captured. I think that's what makes you a winner.” I remember the outpouring of articles over the next few days from all the, like, deans of political reporting or whatever, saying, “OK, that's the end of Trump's campaign. You can't criticize John McCain.” And of course, they went to him, “Do you apologize?” “No, I don't apologize. I meant every word I said.” 

And there were so many things like that. Mocking the New York Times reporter who has cerebral palsy, I believe it was some sort of degenerative disease. Over and over, and his refusal to renounce his own statements, actions, and beliefs made him seem more genuine. Even if people don't like the things he has said, the fact that he's saying, “No, that's what I believe,” is a big political asset. 

The fact Zohran, who has a long history of passionate activism in opposition to Israeli aggression, Israeli settlements in the West Bank, Israeli assaults on Gaza, when he would say things like “Globalize Intifada”, which he did, and he was confronted about that a month before the election, and he's like, “No, I'm not going to withdraw that. People distort what that means. They try to make it seem like it means you believe in terrorists, like killing people with car bombs. It's just a word, intifada, an Arabic word for struggle or resistance, including peaceful struggle and resistance for equal rights for the Palestinians.” 

A lot of people may not like that term, a lot of people don't like that term, but I think the fact that he was not running away from it, not apologizing for it, ran a pretty unique campaign as I'm trying to show you, is also a major reason that he won. I just think, again, populism is nothing more than there's a system over here of powerful people, politically powerful, financially powerful people, they do not have your interest in mind, they don't care about you, they're exploiting you, they're abusing you for their own aggrandizement, their own wealth, their own power and I want to fight them on your behalf. That's what economic populism is. 

Go look at what Josh Hawley does, threatening to vote against Trump's bill because it cuts Medicaid, knowing that a lot of Trump voters, the working-class voters, rely on Medicaid. Something really interesting about Josh Hawley, every week he holds like hearings, and he summons executives of all kinds of industries, the airline industry, the meat industry, bankers, and he just pounds them about hidden fees or, the like. Josh Hawley has said the future of the Republican Party is a multiracial working-class coalition, which requires economic populism. Josh Hawley stood with Bernie to stop the COVID bill from being passed and they were going to give out billions and billions of dollars to big business and he demanded that there be direct payments to all Americans, and they got the bill, they tried to stop bill, and they got $600 direct payment to Americans, that's economic populism. And then it went to Trump and Trump said, $600 is enough, I'm vetoing it, I want $2,000 payments, promising to represent the forgotten person. 

That's what economic populism: not serving Wall Street, not serving bankers, not serving real estate developers, not endorsing establishment dogma, not tying yourself to old, decaying people who've just been around for decades, who interest and excite nobody any longer. That's the goal of American politics. I don't think it matters at all to people if it comes from the right or the left. And the lots of things about Zohran, Marjorie Taylor Greene today posted the Statue of Liberty in a burqa, Ari Fleischer said, “New York Jews, you need to evacuate,” as some kind of nation, as I said before, like Joseph Stalin and Osama bin Laden – you look at him, do you think, is that at all what he reads as, what he codes as, is it what seems a convincing attack on him? 

And so, I think there are a lot of lessons here, not just for the Democratic Party, though, certainly not for what American voters respond to and what they don't. And in this case, the lessons are so powerful, so penetrating, that it drove the unlikeliest of people to crush one of the most powerful political dynasties in America, the Cuomos, backed by every institutional advantage you could want, and very poised to – I'm not saying it's certain, but highly likely to become what a lot of people have long said is the second most important position in American politics – as mayor of New York City. New York City, obviously, is the center of American finance, American wealth, massive tourism, a gigantic city, and so that is an important position. That's not a joke. The fact that a 33-year-old Muslim self-identified democratic socialist was able to win despite that history of statements, I think it's very important to derive a lot of lessons from that. And I think anyone interested in understanding politics, let alone winning elections, would be studying him in a very non-judgmental way. It doesn't matter if you hate him, it doesn't matter if you love him. The lessons ought to be the same. 

 

Watch this segment on Rumble.

Read full Article
post photo preview
Glenn Takes Your Questions on War with Iran, Executive Power, the Trump Presidency, and More
System Update #473

The following is an abridged transcript from System Update’s most recent episode. You can watch the full episode on Rumble or listen to it in podcast form on Apple, Spotify, or any other major podcast provider.  

System Update is an independent show free to all viewers and listeners, but that wouldn’t be possible without our loyal supporters. To keep the show free for everyone, please consider joining our Locals, where we host our members-only aftershow, publish exclusive articles, release these transcripts, and so much more!

AD_4nXe8KrWPtheBtj3TNK0GTDJj-j-IRu5nvWvk6JFZaj2gK7NumsQriYbJVofe0xyTCkr6A2DjUogTRL4myoKLBSd-lye4oNJ-N2wUST3Q4Ep3jFRp1Z9LK_LALNMUMHq5hGBg2kUMTKdHR-FcCBOkr14?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBg

As you probably know, Friday night is when we try to have our Q&A session. The questions are submitted only by our Locals members. We try to do it every Friday night, but when news events are developing, major news events that we have to discuss – and preparations for a huge war, a huge, dangerous, destructive war, are the kind of thing that we're going to cover and often everything is very fast-moving so, oftentimes, we end up having to cover something on Friday and not being able to do the Q&A we wanted. 

The list of questions is always eclectic. We try to choose a variety of topics, people who haven't asked questions and who have, people who are critical and people who aren't, we always look for good-faith, critical comments and we have a couple of those tonight. So, let me just dive into this. You don't need all the prefacing and the explanations. Most of you are probably very familiar with this arrangement and it's not particularly complicated; it doesn't require a lot of explanation. It's just a Q&A. 

AD_4nXfaWfmyoPkXx-ZomkmyTHWNh152WuY7LMYfyMX6YqKglDa4hgBXUp2J3tQmbjdG4ln-lbXY8VbWgrwQljSIV2xqS9YB3Oy3qCCe-seZumEQzTYt37BfdSTtJ48npmh8qLKhapbGNGRbZXHvxE6ee7s?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBg

The first question comes from @wineverett:

AD_4nXejGgF2oFWtXcLHWYVib7eofz5CHIae8dHUYiabn_FF4TLkumNwoymkSH6hh384RkykamSMNRBR59rbywp8Dyb4sKz9UkPIAME-2HM_Tq6mEEqTy4uvJQFQFMAtbuztTciaBQbys6pS7TW4zNT29A?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBg

AD_4nXevbaJAHezTziEqaR9BALxVFd8__O0IVRA9cS0nCq3OFHQ6dfWIpd9fjVnuuxHDPIJ9GRBEJSZTXK0amA6lAxOI9fK-Mu6QFCa-9Zntvdpng0BbSlQ3xcw-rJNOey5lDcRQWI9yk7Xb271di8JudR0?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBg

All right. I could not agree more with all of that. I think a major reason for Donald Trump's victories and, by victory I mean starting in 2016 when he was never even remotely considered a candidate or politician and he's gunned down the field of all those professional, highly funded Republican politicians starting with Jeb Bush, Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz, all through them, got the nomination and then crushed the Clinton political machine, obviously filled with nothing but political animals, long-term professional career politicians, is precisely for this reason. People understand that both political parties speak a language, live in a world, spend money on things, talk about things, vote on things completely detached from their concerns and their lives and that's why they've lost faith and trust in most institutes of authority because they perceive correctly that people in power who are there to essentially represent them care about everything other than what they care about. It's so incredibly obvious from how these people speak to what they say, and Donald Trump was the first to come along and sort of break all those rules that people have come to hate about how they speak, how they talk, what they talk about, the things you're allowed to say and he was basically a weapon to smash that glass, to smash the system that they were so eager to smash. 

Obviously, Donald Trump is now a politician. There's no denying that. It doesn't mean it's bad, it doesn't mean it’s good, he's been president for four years, spent four more years running for president and is now president again. So, the last 10 years of our political lives have been dominated by the political figure of Donald Trump. It's clearly the Trump era of politics. He's not really an outsider force anymore. He can't be president twice, having run a third time and almost won, just constantly running for president for 10 years, and be a political outsider anymore. 

He's still an outsider in a lot of different ways, compartmentally and the like, but it's not as appealing, I think, as it once was and especially now that we're watching in the first five months of this first term, that was consumed by things like tariffs which was a major promise of the Trump campaign, no doubt but I think people ended up feeling like economically they had been beaten upon and crushed for so long, including by the Biden years, that there was, even Trump admitted, short-term pain, the stock market became unstable, it went down, people's investments and retirements funds became less valuable, small businesses struggled. So, that was already kind of a feeling that, wow, we have Trump again, who promised to help us in the working-class, but instead, we seem to be suffering with this tariff policy that we're being told will have long-term benefits, but for the moment, we don't seem to have them. 

And now, political discourse is being dominated by a potential war with Iran that I just don't think most people have spent the last two years caring about. I used to always say about Russia when Democrats are spending all that time on the evils of Putin and the threats posed by Russia, it's just so obvious there's a huge gap between what Democrats spend all their time talking and warning about and what Americans wake up thinking about. I just know that Americans are not waking up worried about Vladimir Putin and the threat posed by Russia. That's not something they're scared about. They were during the Cold War, when nuclear war was very possible, people were taught to go to shelters, which was very much part of the culture, and there was an existential war between communism and capitalism. There was a lot at stake. But people don't worry about Russia anymore. They don't consider Vladimir Putin one of the leading threats to their well-being, unless you are an MSNBC viewer. And so, there was this gigantic gap between what Democrats were talking about and what people care about. I think that's the reason they ended up losing. 

But now you look at what Republicans have talked about. What has Trump done aside from tariffs? He's gotten in and he resumed a bombing campaign in Yemen against Houthis and unleashed the Israelis again to continue their destruction of Gaza, which the United States is paying for. Started deporting, not people in the United States illegally or who have committed crimes, but people who were guilty of the crime of protesting Israel or speaking out against Israel. I think that's what people were worried about: people in the country legally, PhD students, Fulbright scholars, biologists, chemists, with nothing but a record of achievement, being booted out with a new precedent because they spoke out against Israel. I mean, people were definitely worried about illegal immigration, especially people who are dangerous to their children or their communities. You think they're worried about Harvard and Yale biologists who wrote up ads about Israel? So, a lot of that as well. 

And now we have this war with Iran, which, if you ask, you can get polling answers or polling data about anything the way you want, based on how you ask the question. So, if you say, “Look, Iran is about to get a nuclear weapon, should the United States do nothing, or should it try to do what it can, even if it means military force, to stop Iran from getting a new weapon?” Yeah, we don't want Iran to have a nuclear weapon. But if you say, “Israel has launched a war against Iran, do you think the United States should involve itself militarily in a new foreign war in the Middle East? Overwhelmingly, people say no, and polls are showing both. 

I don't care what the polling data is, if you ask somebody, “Do you want Iran to have nuclear weapons? Yes, or no?” I do not believe that Americans are waking up saying in the morning, “Wow, I couldn't sleep last night because I'm really worried about the prospect that Iran is going to get nuclear weapons.” 

By every account, they don't even have the missile capability to send one to the United States. Even if they could, why would they? North Korea doesn’t. Everyone understands that it's going to be immediate mutual suicide. I just don't think that's what people care about in their lives and polls constantly should have shown that. I don't think people elected Donald Trump to go to war with Iran or to restart the bombing campaign against the Houthis. And that's all they're hearing about now. That's what the Trump administration is focused on, which is not what the American people are focused on. I know this from polling data; I cover politics and we've all seen over time what Americans care about and what they don't care about and when they feel like their interests are ignored and when their interests are not. 

I want to just answer this with a story about Marjorie Taylor Greene. Not really a story so much as kind of my thoughts on Marjorie Taylor Greene. So, I want to be very honest and say that I really like Marjorie Taylor Greene, I have always liked Marjorie Taylor Greene. I think she's a good person. I think that she's sincere and earnest about the things she says and believes. Obviously, Marjorie Taylor Greene has said things over the last many years that I don't agree with, that you can describe as whatever, outside of the realm of what reality is. I think most politicians do. I think Donald Trump running around talking about how Iran's about to get a nuclear weapon and use it or whatever, that's way outside the realm of reality, to say nothing of what was said about the Iraq war and the 2008 financial crisis. But the reason I like Marjorie Taylor Greene is that she is what a lot of people wanted and were so fond of, so attracted to Trump. 

Marjorie Taylor Greene was never a politician. She didn't run for office, she wasn't like on the city council and then in the state legislature in Georgia and then worked her way up to the Georgia state Senate and was being groomed by the Republican Party to one day run for Congress, like kind of a career politician. That was not Marjorie Taylor Greene. She has a business, the business is prosperous, she's not incredibly rich, but probably upper middle class; she lives on a good upscale Georgia suburb. And she became very politically active with the MAGA movement and America First. It resonated with her just as a citizen and then she got politically involved and probably had some connections and money that helped. 

However, she wasn't part of a political dynasty, nor was her father the governor or anything. She really just did the kind of classic “Mr. Smith Goes to Washington” type of political trajectory, where a citizen wakes up and says, I'm starting to get angry and concerned by what my government is doing. I think it's totally on the wrong track, the things they're saying make no sense, and I don't think they're representing our interests. 

She got very inspired by Donald Trump and the MAGA movement and took it seriously and she suddenly became a member of Congress. And, yeah, because she's somebody who was not a trained politician, she often was not on script. She's charismatic and she says things that get people riled up and that bring a lot of media attention. That's why there's so much attention on Jasmine Crockett as well, not because she is some important figure in the House Democratic caucus, but because she says that gets people angry and cable news loves that and builds those people with a big platform. That's what happened to Marjorie Taylor Greene, but I don't think Marjorie Taylor Greene was ever doing or saying things on purpose to make people angry. I think she was doing and saying things that she really believed in that if you go to her district, I guarantee you, people like her, people who live near her, people who lived in her district, which is why they voted for her and keep re-electing her, despite how much the media hates her and says she's so evil and bad. 

I've talked to her before. I found her to be exactly the same when talking personally to her and when I listened to her in public. I've had her on the show before, and one of the things that really I found so interesting and eye-opening about Marjorie Taylor Green is that she's been reluctant to criticize Donald Trump too much previously. 

I remember I had her in the show. She was one of those people very much against the Ukraine war, making all those good arguments that I agree with about how we have women who can't get baby formula and our communities are falling apart. Why are we sending billions to finance a war that has nothing to do with us? I remember I asked her, like, does that apply to Israel, that rationale? It seems like it should, does it? And she wasn't enough confidence to say like, yeah, also Israel. That's a very sensitive topic, she knows that. But sometimes you get to Washington, and you have to find your way, you've got to understand how things work, especially if you're not a career politician. 

I remember when I started journalism, there were a lot of things I didn't understand. I hadn't done it full-time, I thought I knew about things, but once I really started looking, I started learning things and realizing how much I didn't know. And so, it took me a while to kind of feel like, okay, I have a good, secure sense of where things are. And I think that's where she is.

 When Donald Trump announced this new bombing campaign in Yemen, she was very outspoken against it and the way she made the argument really struck me. She said, “You know what, I've been a Congresswoman now for six years, or whatever it is, representing my district, but I've lived in my district forever. Nobody in my District even knows what a Houthi is. Nobody talks about Houthis, nobody has met Houthis, nobody is threatened by Houthis, nobody fears Houthis and nobody understands why we are spending all this money to bomb the Houthis. What does this have to do with us?” 

I thought about it. I was like, that's the benefit of having people who are not professional politicians. One of the things that makes Kamala Harris such a terrible candidate is that she worked her way up that ladder from her mid-20s. She's basically been a politician her whole life. She got elected to the San Francisco District Attorney, very ambitious. You can go find national interviews with her because she was doing things like imprisoning parents for truancy if their kids didn't go to school. “Good Morning, America” and those types of shows loved her. She parlayed that into a run for Attorney General of California, won that, worked her way up to the California Senate, and then became Vice President. And she never had a moment where she was off script, where she was saying things that people in Washington would be like, “What? What is that?” She clung to those scripts like her life depended on it. She was petrified of saying anything that official Washington would find odd or strange to disapprove of. And as a result, she was totally vacant. She never spoke naturally, she never spoken like a human being because that's all she knows is she's been clicked into the political system and she speaks about the things that her donors care about, that other politicians care about, that the media she consumes talks about and she has no ability to say what Marjorie Taylor Greene said, no courage to say it, even if she understood it. 

You can take that too far, before 9/11, and nobody in America, for the most part, understood what al-Qaeda was, thought much about al-Qaeda, didn't mean the government should not do anything about al-Qaeda. Of course, sometimes the government has to work on things that are real threats or problems that most people don't know about or think about or understand, but I think there's a basic wisdom to the idea of asking, especially when we're going to war, why are we bombing and killing these people on Yemen? What do they have to do with us? And at the time, they were not attacking American ships, we've gone through that timeline before, and the only reason they had been previously was because they knew we were arming and funding Israel's destruction of Gaza, so even that was because we were financing and fighting a war for a foreign country, and the way Marjorie Taylor Green said it was like, “a Houthi, well, who knows even, in my district, what a Houthi is? I'm not going to cheerlead a war against the Houthis that have nothing to do with the lives of the people who sent me to Washington.” 

And then, when it came to this war in Iran, she lost all fear or concern about recognizing the relationship between the United States and Israel, and in whose benefit that relationship is, and who's really pushing and shaping the decisions of the United States Congress and the executive branch when it comes to war. 

I think she has enough confidence now, she's seen enough, she’s learned enough, she's read enough, and she understands enough. Marjorie Taylor Greene is not dumb. I'm sure Democrats will say she is. She's not dumb, she is smart. She just doesn't speak like Kamala Harris, Hillary Clinton, or Joe Biden because she's not from that. She doesn't emerge from that; she's a citizen. 

That was the idea, by the way, of the Congress, we weren't going to have a professional class of politicians, we're going to have people who represented their constituents, get sent to Congress for a few years and then go back to their lives and do what they were doing previously. And that's the kind of person she still is. She's very much still a resident of her Georgia district, much more so than a creature of Washington and so, she can think about things and say them in a way most Americans are still thinking and saying them. 

And when it came time for the war in Iran, too, she was like, “I am just sick” of having all of our money and all of her service members be put in harm's way for these wars that have nothing to do with our country. “Ukraine is not our country and Ukraine's wars are not our wars. Israel is not out country and Israel's wars are not out wars.” And I think she's able to speak so plainly about these things and insist that we focus on the things that her constituents and people in America really care about because she's not subservient to or taking orders from a political party or a kind of system. 

There are other people like her in Congress, too. I'm not suggesting she's the only one. I'm just saying she's been very noticeable over the last three, four months, because, especially when it comes to foreign policy, that's where politicians typically step most delicately and she's not stepping delicately at all. To me, she's become a voice of great clarity and confidence, and I think she's earnest about everything she's saying. I'm talking about these things the way most people talk about them. 

I've told stories before, and I hate to romanticize them. I'm not going to even tell the stories because I've told them too many times. Probably you've already heard them. But if you go to the United States and you get anonymous and you just go to some, like, again, it sounds so cliche, but like a diner, where you talk to drivers of Ubers or taxis or whatever, it is enlightening. You hear things that are actual wisdom, just common-sense wisdom, that no people who work on politics and are paid to work in politics in D.C. and New York ever say that is that chasm, it's a huge chasm.

Now, all of official Washington is worried about a war with Iran that I do not believe most people in the United States view as a threat or something that ought to be subsuming their lives. I don't think they want Donald Trump, whom they elected to benefit their lives as working-class people, to be focused on yet another new war in the Middle East. 

I think that's why he's hesitating too, that he has a sense for that. A good sense for that. He's a good politician in that way. It's like instinctive and I think the more Trump goes in those directions that are basically the Bush, Obama, Biden direction, the more people are going to start to see him as like every other politician in that attachment that people had to him, similar to the attachment they had to Obama, who people also viewed as a transformative figure of change but quickly became a just a mouthpiece for the establishment of the perpetuation of the status quo in Washington. They lost that inspirational connection to him. I think that's going to happen to Trump as well if he continues down this path. 

AD_4nXfaWfmyoPkXx-ZomkmyTHWNh152WuY7LMYfyMX6YqKglDa4hgBXUp2J3tQmbjdG4ln-lbXY8VbWgrwQljSIV2xqS9YB3Oy3qCCe-seZumEQzTYt37BfdSTtJ48npmh8qLKhapbGNGRbZXHvxE6ee7s?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBg

All right, next question. @Commissar69 asks:

AD_4nXcbot7Ll9rtFzXT-Ak1-3GHSwnAyBq0-XAXB0mjAw0_uXqDWzQL7Tvt2BlPRJtRxcmt3AzMWavKtZGFt3lEnpaYUp9v5PwCH9hu8SgzI0eRqfAfAQNmN2m-YbmVRgVX27_jFjLbaI8HJBTBtRNXSMs?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBg

It is amazing to me that you go study the Constitution, you go to law school, not even law school, our civics class, and the design of the Constitution, in some cases, is kind of ambiguous. They constructed that on purpose, that was part of how they obtained the votes they needed to ratify it: leaving some things purposely left ambiguous that would be interpreted in the future. So, you could tell people whose votes you needed, it could mean this: you tell other people you needed who thought differently, it could mean that. 

So, some of it is ambiguous, but some of it is not. It's not ambiguous because of the language, it's not ambiguous because of what the Federalist Papers say, it's not ambiguous because of the debates that were had. 

One of the things that was not ambiguous is that if the United States is going to go to war, it can do so only if Congress declares war. Only Congress has the power to declare war. The rationale for this is very clear: it was assumed, based on experience at the time, that if we go to a war, people are going to be drafted and it's the ordinary citizen who's going to go and die in these wars and the only way the United States should go to war is if the people consent, through their representatives in the House and the Senate. And I can read you so much from the Federalist Papers talking about this. 

The president is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. By the way, the armed forces were not intended to be a standing army. The founders really feared standing armies, meaning like armed agents of the federal government, like the ATF or the FBI. They're basically like armed permanent agents or armies, but also the army itself. That's why they talked about well-regulated militias. You compile an army when you want to go fight a war, but you don't have a permanent standing army. They thought that was dangerous. 

So, when they said the president is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, what that meant is Congress approves a war and we go to war, and the person responsible for executing that war – because you cannot have Congress managing the war, you need a leader, a military leader, and we wanted civilian rule, it's not a top general – it is an elected president, he becomes the commander-in-chief of the armed forces that makes the decision about how that war will be fought. 

For a lot of reasons, over the last decades, we've completely forgotten about, ignored, the congressional power to declare war. I believe the last war we declared was the Korean War.

Now, the idea there is if Congress really was serious about this, they could have cut off funds for the war, but mostly it's been a desire by Congress not to have to take the hard vote of voting yes or no on a war. I mean, it destroyed political careers. Hillary Clinton lost because she was forced to vote on the Iraq War and voted yes. It got tied to John Kerry when he tried to run against Bush in 2004, against the Iraq War, when he had voted yes on it 18 months earlier. Joe Biden voted for it as well. It definitely was a huge reason why Hillary Clinton lost to Barack Obama in 2008 and even why Hillary Clinton was weaker than she could have been when running against Bernie Sanders in 2016, because of that Iraq War vote. They don't want to vote on war. They're happy to leave it to the president. So, they purposely kind of gave up the power that the Constitution assigned to them. It's really an abdication of their responsibility. But politicians don't want to take hard votes. 

And now the view of the executive, I remember very well that Bush and, I mean, of course, if our country is attacked, it's like this sudden invasion, the way Iran had with Israel, suddenly attacking it out of nowhere, of course, the president has the responsibility to order the country defended without first going to Congress and waiting for a vote. That's the one exception. 

That didn't apply to the war in Iraq, but Bush-Cheney said we have the right to go invade Iraq even without congressional support. And now that's the view of the Trump administration: we don't need to go to Congress to start the war in Iran. Why? Why don't you? If you want to enter a war with Iran, that's not an emergency war. Iran is not attacking the United States. Why don't you need a vote in Congress? But most people in Congress don't want that responsibility. They'd rather let Trump take the blame for it if things go wrong. 

And so, we basically have a president who single-handedly runs foreign policy, runs the intelligence community. We barely have a functional Congress at all. 

I mean, I'll just give you one example that's kind of amazing. Most of you who watch this show for a while know that I was vehemently opposed to the ban of TikTok or the forced sale of it, talked about a lot of reasons about why it’s a major act of censorship to just ban a social media app that a third of Americans – a third – and a majority of young people are voluntarily choosing to use, just saying, “No, you can't use it. We don't like that one anymore; we don't like the content there.” 

It was originally justified because Chinese ownership and influence were nefarious. That wasn't enough to get the votes, what finally got the votes was the view that there was too much anti-Israel or pro-Palestinian speech being allowed on TikTok and that was what was turning the nation's youth against Israel. And that's the reason why Democrats finally joined, and the Biden administration advocated the banning of TikTok. 

I was vehemently opposed to that, but Congress did pass it. The House passed it, the Senate passed it with a bipartisan majority, an overwhelming bipartisan majority. Their argument was that it's vital to our national security to ban TikTok. Joe Biden signed it into law and it had a deadline in the law that it had to be banned or sold the day after the election. They didn't want TikTok being shut down during the election so that Biden would get blamed, so they cynically made it the day after, and then Trump had 90 days to extend it if he wanted one time. 

Trump extended it, that 90 days came and went; he extended it again, for another 90 days that came and went, he just extended it again. In other words, he's just refusing to implement the law that Congress passed. And nobody cares! Do you hear anyone in Congress saying, “President Trump, we passed this law because we said it was vital to national security, what right do you have to ignore the law?” 

We basically are a country now that has centralized so much power in the presidency that Congress barely exists, except as a sort of symbolic body of pretense of democracy. George Bush and the Democrats under Obama and Biden, and especially now against Trump, of course, the whole idea: each branch is going to want to grab more power for itself. In that fight, the Congress is trying to take this from the executive, the executive says “No, that's ours,” the court says, “No, that's ours,” Congress says, “No, that's ours,” and you get a balance of power. But when one of the branches, Congress, just says, “We're content not to fight for any of our power. You can have it all, we just want to get reelected, enjoy the perks of our office, travel around the world, get the title, be perpetually re-elected, have these nice offices in the Capitol building, go on TV, get special privileges and perks,” then you don't have balance of power anymore. You have the centralization of power in a president and an executive that the founders were really here to avoid. That has completely twisted and distorted what our political system is supposed to be. It by no means started with Trump. 

The Trump administration came in as one of its major plans to eliminate anything that could oppose it, including Congress. Trump uses threats against the Republicans and all sorts of other means. But he's just continuing a trend that started, I would say, that ideas were formed by the Dick Cheney in the 1980s, but really implemented with 9/11 as the pretext by Bush-Cheney. It's just all grown as powers do from there, and we have a model of the government that is very unlike what the founders envisioned. Of course, it affects all the discourses as well. 

AD_4nXfaWfmyoPkXx-ZomkmyTHWNh152WuY7LMYfyMX6YqKglDa4hgBXUp2J3tQmbjdG4ln-lbXY8VbWgrwQljSIV2xqS9YB3Oy3qCCe-seZumEQzTYt37BfdSTtJ48npmh8qLKhapbGNGRbZXHvxE6ee7s?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBg

All right, @Readalot. That's a very good name. I hope it's accurate. 

AD_4nXfx_M3YejPrJpL3UOJSujJcYOcwX0Y6FdXMmADcw5AtoQTbEaVO6Zq-hUuUgoJBo34M9J7UHjdH3dIXHWGjo6WmjTMf3iAuW1w2l0LEjtHBKcJTw6tCss1xrLPIa0CT9oUUZLXgTnKYQGfNev9cUi8?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBgAD_4nXdzJh-F8T8lAU49bkBx2iFU0CS0ALQcAkDa_-DkIxRAoGtQLmXpqKVwIGCA6xv8yOBofxXML8Y-o2LVpxJWVST_y1wQ67tj24sFkQ7FFQkUS1m8wPc3AzQXxQD0VSXgisoE1zpIBEfm-uaE1KFJXUQ?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBg

All right, so that's a critique, a pretty strongly expressed one. So, let me just clarify, because I do think it's good sometimes to just talk to, especially, our members, about how we think of the show, how we try to put the show together. 

When I say that we don't want to be captive of the news cycle, what I mean by that is that 24-hour cable networks are forced to talk about things every day. And even if nothing significant is happening, they'll make something trivial or insignificant the centerpiece of what they talk about so there'll be some offhand comment by Trump, or there'll be some rumor about somebody resigning or somebody being in trouble, or there will be some bickering in the Congress, or there'll be some law that might get passed, that they're speculating about, or some scandal. 

When I say we don't want to be caught at the news cycle, what I mean is, I don't want to come here every night and feel obligated to talk about things that I don't think are interesting or important just because every other media outlet, newspaper, podcast or other show is discussing them. 

In part, I don't want to talk about things I find trivial. That's what I mean by I don't want to be captive by the news cycle. But it also means sometimes there are important things that are going on that I don't feel competent to talk about or I don't have anything particularly interesting to say, I try to be very mindful that when I was writing a lot and I hit publish, and I hope to get back to writing a little more soon, we'll talk about that sometime in the near future, that when you press publish, you're making a claim to your readers that they need to rely on, that when you hit publish, you're saying to them, “Look, I'm promising you that I've written something that I think is worthwhile for you to take your time and read, that I have something to say that is unique or interesting or that sheds light on something important.” I was always very mindful of that. I would rather not write something on a given day than write something that was just I'm writing just to write or because everyone else is talking about it. 

And that also means that I try not to write about things I have no specialized knowledge of and that's why we don't cover economic policy or economic debates very often, almost at all. And if we do, we'll have a guest who's an expert. Every time I covered tariffs, I had a guest on to talk about it. So that's what I mean by not being captive to the news cycle.

Now, having said that, there are obvious topics, major topics, that I do cover, that I've covered for a long time, that I have a specialized knowledge in, a lot of expertise built up over the years, a lot of knowledge about, a lot of passion about, things like foreign policy, things like war, the intelligence community, civil liberties, free speech and when there's major debates like there were with the deportations of students who were here legally because of the speech that they made, or taking immigrants out based on allegations that they were in gangs without any due process, or when there is a new war or foreign policy, obviously I'm going to not just talk about it, I'm going to cover it in depth. 

And so, I don't necessarily want to talk about Israel every night, but the reality is it has been the center of our politics since October 7. We have fought a massive, dangerous war, one of the worst wars, and it's not really even a war, it's just sort of an attack on a population that the United States has paid for. We've supported Israel taking land from Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq – bombing, not taking land from Syria and Lebanon, bombing them and bombing Iraq. And now we're on the verge of a major war with Iran. Of course, I'm going to talk about that a lot. I'm going to talk about it in the lead up to it, I'm not going to talk about it while the war is occurring, which is now, I'm talking about everything related to it, that's not being counted in the news cycle. That's right at the heart of what we do. 

And I think we talk about it and I hope we talk about it in a way that's not being talked about in many other places. They're getting a different kind of perspective on it, a different way to understand it, different types of information, different voices. And when war broke out in Ukraine and the Biden administration decided to be heavily involved in that, we did endless numbers of shows on Ukraine and Russia because that was a proxy war between the two largest nuclear powers on the planet. It had all kinds of things to do with the alignment of each party. We do a lot of political talk that way about what it means to be left and right. What is Democrat and Republican? How has that changed? Is that meaningful? 

So, when we talk about major events like the war in Ukraine, like the destruction of Gaza, like the imminent war in Iran, the ongoing war and our relationship to Israel, as we talked about with Tuck Carlson and Ted Cruz, the attacks on free speech on the Biden administration, the ones from the Trump administration, we don't just repeat over and over whatever the headline is. I think we try and delve deeply into it and talk about everything ancillary because it often sheds light on other parts of it that aren't directly related to it. That's what I mean by not being captive to the news. 

I don't feel obligated to follow the cable news framework of doing a movement, I don't think you have short intelligence span where you can only talk about a topic for four minutes and every four minutes we have to move or talk about something for two minutes, bring on a guest for five minutes, seven minutes maximum, and then move to another topic. We don’t do nine topics a night like a cable show does for an hour. We do one or two topics at the most. We want to dive deeply into them. We respect our audience enough to believe that the people here want to pay close attention, want detailed analysis and want to dive deep into things. And then, when we can and when we have something to do, we will do a show completely detached from the news cycle. 

Last week, we did a very deep dive into Palantir, what that company is, how it started, what its history has been, what it was built for, who runs it, what their ideology is, and what function they're now playing in the government. We do a lot of those. We've done deep dives into the anthrax and things like that, even though that had nothing to do with the topic. We spent a lot of time on COVID and related policies like that. So, I think our range is pretty broad, but yes, if there's a major war that Washington is heavily debating, getting more involved in, that's going to be something we're going to talk about, maybe not every night, but certainly close to it. The consequences of that make it impossible to ignore. 

And it's the sort of thing that, as I said, I think we naturally cover and it would be very odd if people came here, and I spent maybe one night a week, two nights a week, talking about the war with Iran and then just talking about a bunch of other stuff on the other three nights and didn't mention it, especially given how fast moving it is, how much of a debate there is, how much other topics that it implicates. 

We make our own decisions about what's important, what we think we have something unique to offer, provocative, interesting, informative to say, and just say it in a way that other places are not saying it, and we try and take our time to delve in, even though we know that maybe we would have more viewers, potentially, if we just constantly, can get members of Congress to come on the show every night, people want to come on the shows all the time but I want to do one or two topics that I find extremely interesting that give you a kind of an analytical perspective, a depth of information that other platforms don't allow you to. That's the reason I like this platform so much, and I think we try to use it for that end. So that's how we think about putting the show together. 

AD_4nXfaWfmyoPkXx-ZomkmyTHWNh152WuY7LMYfyMX6YqKglDa4hgBXUp2J3tQmbjdG4ln-lbXY8VbWgrwQljSIV2xqS9YB3Oy3qCCe-seZumEQzTYt37BfdSTtJ48npmh8qLKhapbGNGRbZXHvxE6ee7s?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBg

All right, last question is a tennis question, which I'm always happy to take. It's from @Alan _Smithee, who I recognize as somebody who submits tennis questions, who says this:

 

AD_4nXdRo06TuEyGEY46oA4Gtzmfwq83LJXXxCV41dIgvv8-eoehmGXPVONPJn04sGytwAnehc1do9YFqgFN5WVVDLhSdJe7mEOvdhWsH-6p7VsE3zVOhlmJoEFkN_rWe6F3_2PwKZaB0KL9B7YGF_pGMfQ?key=e_ZHnrFqkrp2Zy5WcoMRBg

Okay. First of all, that is slander, that last part. I don't pick the slam owners after the event is played. No, I do pick them after, say, the first round. So, I don't like to pick somebody who then gets eliminated in the first run; I like to see how they're kind of playing. It's still not easy to pick the slam winners just after the first round, and I have done a great job on that. 

I did actually watch the Onyx Center match today. He played a player who's one of my favorite players, Alexander Bublik, who has an extremely exotic and idiosyncratic game. He's very funny as a person, but he's extremely talented and inventive, especially on grass, so I like seeing him toy with Center. I don't think it happens a lot that when you move from clay to grass, you lose your first match. Corey Gauff won the French Open, but she lost her first match on grass as well. It just takes some transition. I don't think it means that he's in trouble or he's going to have a bad Wimbledon or anything. 

But anyway, I'll probably pick the winners of Wimbledon when we get a little bit closer to the tournament, as you say sardonically, maybe once we start the tournament, right at the beginning, then you can go and take those to the bank. But if you do and you lose, do not blame me, don't leave me rude and abusive messages, because I do have a lot of knowledge about it. My predictions have been weirdly good for the last year, but that could stop at any time. So, although I'm telling you can rely on me, that doesn't mean that you actually should or can, especially when it comes to betting money that you can't afford to lose. 

All right. Those are all the questions we have for tonight.

Read full Article
See More
Available on mobile and TV devices
google store google store app store app store
google store google store app tv store app tv store amazon store amazon store roku store roku store
Powered by Locals