Glenn Greenwald
Politics • Culture • Writing
SNOWDEN REVELATIONS 10-Year Anniversary: Glenn Greenwald Speaks with Snowden & Laura Poitras on the Past, Present, & Future of Their Historic Reporting (Part 2)
Video Transcript
June 07, 2023
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Note: This is part 2 of a two-part piece. 

Watch the full episode here:

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G. Greenwald: All right. Let's talk about this. 

 

(Video. Citizenfour. Praxis Film. 2014.) 

 

Snowden: GCHQ has an internal Wikipedia at the top-secret, super-classified level where anybody working in intelligence can work on anything they want. Yeah, that's what this is. I'm giving it to you. You can make the decisions on that, what's appropriate and what's not. It's going to be documents of different types, pictures, and PowerPoints, and whatnot, and stuff like that. 

 

MacAskill: Sorry. Can I take that seat? Sorry, I’ve got to sort of get you to repeat. These documents they will show…

 

Snowden: Yeah, there'll be a couple more documents on that. That's only one part, though. Like it talks about Tempura and a little more things. That's the Wiki article itself. It was also talking about a self-developed tool called UDAQ, spelled u-d-a-q. It's their search tool for all the stuff they collect that’s what it looked like. You know, it's going to be projects, it's going to be troubleshooting pages for particular tool… 

 

MacAskill: Thanks. And what’s the next step, when do you think you go public or…? 

 

Snowden: Oh I, I think it's pretty soon, I mean, with the reaction, this escalated more quickly, I think pretty much as soon as they start trying to make this about me, which should be any day now. Yeah, I'll come out just to go ‘Hey, you know, this is not a question of somebody skulking around in the shadows. These are public issues. These are not my issues. You know, these are everybody's issues. And I'm not afraid of you. You know, you’re not going to bully me into silence like you've done to everybody else. And if nobody else is going to do it, I will. And hopefully, when I'm gone, whatever you do to me, there'll be somebody else who will do the same thing.’ It'll be the sort of Internet principle of the Hydra. You know, you can stop one person, but there's going to be seven more of us. 

 

MacAskill: Yeah. Are you getting more nervous? 

 

Snowden: Oh, no, I think, uh, I think the way I look at stress – particularly because I sort of knew this was coming, because I sort of volunteered to walk into it – I'm already sort of familiar with the idea. I'm not worried about it. When somebody like busts in the door, suddenly I'll get nervous and it'll affect me. But until they do, you know, I'm eating a little less. That's the only difference, I think. 

 

G. Greenwald: Let's talk about the issue of when we're going to say who you are. 

 

Snowden: Yeah.

 

G. Greenwald: This is you know, you have to talk me through this because I have a big worry about this, which is that if we come out and I know that you believe that your detection is inevitable and that it's inevitable imminently, There's, you know, in The New York Times today, Charlie Savage, the fascinating Sherlock Holmes of political reporting, deduced that the fact that there have been these leaks in succession probably means that there's some one person who's decided to leak.

 

Snowden: Somebody else quoted you as saying it was one of your readers and there's somebody else who put it out. 

 

G. Greenwald: So, you know what I mean? That's fine. I want people to… I want to… I want it to be like, yeah, you know, this is a person. I want to start introducing the concept that this is a person who has a particular set of political objectives about informing the world about what's taking place like, you know, so and keeping it all anonymous. Totally. But I want to start introducing you in that kind of incremental way. But here's the thing: I'm concerned about is that if we come out and say, here's you, this is here's what he did, the whole thing that we talked about, that we're going to basically be doing the government's work for them and we're going to basically be handing them, you know, a confession and helping them identify who found it. I mean, maybe you're right. Maybe they'll find out quickly and maybe they'll know. But is there any possibility that they won't? Are we kind of giving them stuff that we don’t know or […] 

 

Poitras:  It's what they know, but they don't want to reveal it because they don’t know or […] 

 

G. Greenwald: Or that they don't know and we're going to be telling them like, is it a possibility that they're going to need like two or three months of uncertainty and we're going to be solving that problem for them? Or – let me just say the “or” part. Maybe it doesn't matter to you. Like maybe you want it. Maybe you're not coming out because you think, inevitably, they're going to catch you and you want to do it first. You're coming out because you want to fucking come out. And you know […] 

 

Snowden: There is that. I mean, that's the thing. I don't want to hide on this and skulk around. I don't think I should have to. Obviously, there are circumstances that are saying that and I think it is powerful to come out and be like, look, I'm not afraid, you know, and I don't think other people should either. You know, I was sitting in the office right next to you last week. You know, we all have a stake in this. This is our country. And the balance of power between the citizenry and the government is becoming that of the ruling and the ruled as opposed to actually the elected and the electorate. 

 

G. Greenwald: Okay. So that's what I need to hear that this is not about… 

Snowden: But I do want to say, I don't think there's a case that I'm not going to be discovered in the fullness of time. It's a question of time frame. You're right. It could take them a long time. I don't think it will. But I didn't try to hide the footprint because, again, I intended to come forward. 

 

G. Greenwald: Ok. I'm going to post this morning just a general defense of whistleblowers. That's one. And you in particular, without saying anything about you. I'm going to go post that right when I get back and I'm out. And I'm also doing like a big fuck you to all the people who keep talking about investigations like that. I want that to be I can take the fearlessness and the fuck you to like the bullying tactics has got to be completely pervading everything we do. 

 

Snowden: And I think that's brilliant. I mean, your principles on this, I love, I can't support them enough, because it is it's inverting the model that the government has laid out where people who are trying to say the truth skulk around and they hide in the dark and they quote anonymously. And I say, yes, fuck that… 

 

G. Greenwald: Ok. Let's just so here's the plan then. I mean, and this is the thing. It's like once you – I think we all just felt the fact that this is the right way to do it. It's you feel the power of your choice. You know what I mean? It's like I want that power to be felt in the world. And it is the, I mean, it's the ultimate standing up to that, right, like, I'm not going to fucking hide even for like, one second. I'm going to get right in your face. You don't have to investigate. There's nothing to investigate. Here I am.  

 

G. Greenwald: I think if I had to list the two or three things that most affected me, this would definitely be on that list. I remember when we were in Hong Kong, we always used to kind of joke, and I was a little bit petulant about it, the fact that I wasn't able to sleep for any more than 90 minutes, even using large doses of narcotics that are designed to enable you to sleep. Just the adrenaline and the tension and the kind of excitement and the nervousness just made it impossible for me to sleep. I don't think you were sleeping very much either. And yet, you know, it was always like 10 o’clock at night and would say, every single night, “All right, guys. Well, I think I'm ready to hit the hay,” as though it was like any other day. And I think that for me was the biggest life lesson beyond the lessons about the revelations of surveillance and transparency and whistleblowing and journalism and all the things on which we were focused substantively was that if you are convinced that you have made a choice that comes from the best of motives, you are kind of doing it with a clean conscience and with a sense that what you're doing is just, even in the midst of this kind of extreme turbulence, it provides you a sort of inner tranquility and peace that is both – kind of gives you a sense of resolve, but also a sense of calmness. And I think you can see just in that scene how it kind of becomes contagious. It reinforced our own conduct in the wake of these fears, seeing Ed just so determined in the righteousness of what he was doing. What do you remember about that part of kind of the transcendent lessons that we learn from this? 

 

Laura Poitras:  I mean, it was remarkable. It was remarkable from the first day we met him. I mean, that first sort of interview slash interrogation that you did to find out who he was and get all of his backstories. When we went to look at the footage after the fact, he speaks in perfect, perfect paragraphs, with utter calmness. 

I mean, it was clear that Ed had made a decision. He'd crossed over a threshold, that there was no going back and he was at peace with whatever was going to happen. And I think we felt that every moment and the fact that we weren't, or that he wasn't more nervous – I mean, you can feel my nervousness like the camera movement and the sort of trying to find focus. I mean, I think, you know, luckily, I sort of had been making films for long enough, sort of my body knows what to do even if my head is like, freaking out. But Ed was completely centered. I mean, he was just completely centered in terms of the choice he had made. And, you know, also looking at these clips, when Ed says things move fast, I mean, I think your ability to turn this information around and report on it so quickly was also one of the things that kept us protected us. I think, you know, we were always one step ahead. And I think the government was probably waiting for the time that they would shut us down or have their own press release and we were just never given the opportunity. And that was because of the work that you were able to do, like after these sorts of filming sessions, to go and report a story every day. We first met on a Monday, the first story came out on a Wednesday and another story came out on Thursday, Friday and Saturday. And then we released a video on Sunday. So that happened in a week. The pace was pretty, pretty intense. 

 

G. Greenwald: Yeah. You mentioned at the start the role that my husband, Dave Miranda, played and the reason that that happened in reality was because he was very suspicious of The Guardian from the start, not necessarily because they were particularly corrupt an institution, but because of this dynamic. I mentioned earlier that the government succeeded, in 2004, in bullying The New York Times from publishing what ultimately became a Pulitzer Prize-winning story about how the NSA was spying on Americans without the warrants required by law and the only reason they had even published it at all was because Jim Wright had had enough and was about to go break the story in his book and they didn't want to be scooped by their own reporter. And David was so sensitive to any – even slight indication that the Guardian might be willing to be bullied or intimidated, that even once they, on Tuesday, said, ‘We just need one more day to talk to the government lawyers and meet with the government lawyers,’ I remember David typing on Skype what he wanted me to say to the editor-in-chief of The Guardian, Janine Gibson – The Guardian in the U.S. – which is basically, if this story isn't published by tomorrow, we're taking our documents and we're going to go just publish them somewhere else. And that's what I mean, like this kind of spirit of how the ethos of how the reporting was done – the kind of determination to do it in the most aggressive way to keep our fears under control – really came from all of us. And it kind of just reinforced each other's resolve. 

I just want to ask you about Russia before we watch the third clip that was selected, because, obviously, that is something that's on people's minds when they hear about what you did and where you are. You almost can't have any kind of discussion about politics these days without mentioning Russia. Russia is the place where you have now lived for nine years and, since 2013, it is a place that has provided you essentially effective asylum. And you often say that that was not a place that you chose to be in. You were essentially forced to be there. How is it that you ended up in Russia? And why are you still there now? 

 

Edward Snowden: Yeah. So, if you go back and you look at the contemporaneous reporting, this is all very well documented but basically, I wasn't supposed to stay in Russia. It was a transit route trying to stop en route to Latin America, where because of the openness that South America showed for whistleblowers in the past, particularly in the case of Julian Assange, where they said that even though he's being hunted and desperately persecuted by the United States and the UK and Sweden, he would be welcome to go there. I had talked to a lot of lawyers at this point just in a few days, right?  We had to make decisions very quickly because, as you see in the clip, there was a burning fuse where we knew my identity was going to be revealed. It was very likely I would no longer be able to travel onwards. 

So immediately we went, all right, I have to get out to a safe place of asylum that's going to be Latin America. We had contacts, we had assurances this would probably be our best bet. I had originally hoped for Europe, but every diplomat that we talked to in Europe basically said this is not going to work like they're going to cave, the government's not going to back you or we'll try, but like no promises. And, you know, it was just very clear from the reporting that everybody in the world knew the United States had raised a gigantic hammer at. [audio problem…]  We're like, you know, Brazil, Ecuador, Venezuela, Bolivia, they all looked like there were positive possibilities. They had the Caracas convention, or I can't remember which one it is, that was on non-refoulement basically. They didn't extradite people and they mutually respected that. So, there would be free movement. And so, I had a flight that was laid out. The tickets have been seen by journalists. Journalists were on the plane, we were supposed to go Hong Kong, to Russia, Russia - Cuba, Cuba to the final destination in Latin America. It was actually there were forks. There were a couple of different ones that I could go to basically, en route, did we see any response from the U.S. that was going to stop going to one or the other. 

But as soon as I left China, it was leaked, and the U.S. government – well, I'm in the air with no communications, headed to Russia – and the U.S. through a whole bunch of sort of emergency press conferences was like ‘Stop him,’ ‘His passport was canceled,’ you know, exactly the kind of thing that we suspected would happen. And so, I land in Russia and the border guards say your passport doesn't work. And I'm like, no, I don't believe this. And I recount the story in my book in great detail. But we basically got Wi-Fi in the business lounge and […]  oh, God, they really had done it. 

So then, it becomes a long period when I'm actually trying quite hard not to stay in Russia. If you look back at this period – this is what none of these critics say – I spent 40 days trapped in an airport transit lounge where I applied for asylum in, I think, 21 different countries and these are documented. There are public responses from the different countries’ representatives where all – places that you would expect to stand up for human rights and whistleblower protection – places like France, places like Germany, we even went to Italy. Iceland was a big possibility. Where you had one of two responses for the big countries, they went, basically, we won't do this. We won't agree to this because we're afraid of the U.S. response politically, and we just don't want to get engaged in that. If you manage to get here, you can apply with no promises, but you don't have a passport. So, oh, I guess there's nothing that can be done. Good luck with your life. 

And then the small countries, that were actually willing to, said “We would do this, but we don't believe we can actually protect you” because of the U.S. practice of “extraordinary rendition,” which is kidnapping – they just send a black-bag team and, of course, or anything, they just snatch somebody up, they put them in the U.S. court system or prison ship or whatever. And U.S. courts have held that this is not a problem, that they can do this but, I mean, that's a whole other story. 

And so now, while all of this is happening, we had the Evo Morales incident that you referred to earlier where Bolivia, which had been one of these countries that did telegraph that they would be sort of open to granting the asylum, had their president attend an energy conference in Russia. They had basically heard a rumor or something like that that I was going to be flying back on the presidential plane. And even though the president of the United States on camera, Barack Obama said, “I'm not going to be scrambling jets to get some 29-year-old hacker” literally a week or two earlier, they closed the entire airspace of Europe like a wall to prevent this plane from transiting. And it was a smaller plane because it’s a smaller country and they had to stop to refuel. It lands in Austria, in the airport, and the U.S. ambassador is there to greet it and they won't let the plane take off again – even though this is a president of a sovereign country – until the U.S. ambassador gets walked through and says, “Oh, now there's no guy on here, you know, thanks for helping, you can go now. And that was the moment when it became clear to everyone, including myself, that even if I got a promise of asylum from Germany or France, it wouldn't be safe for me to travel there, because you've got to travel over a lot of vassal states on the air path to get there that they would just close the airspace. And so, at that point, I was out of options. I applied for asylum in Russia. I was granted it. And actually, I've been left alone, remarkably, since then, which is really all that I could ask for given the circumstances. 

 

G. Greenwald: I remember the week after that happened with Evo Morales, I went to the Russian consulate in Rio de Janeiro to get my visa to visit you with Laura. We ended up filming the last scene from Citizenfour there. But also, was the first time I was able to see you since Hong Kong and the Russian consul recognized my name from the application and came out and said to me, “Look, we understand why the U.S. government wants to arrest Snowden. We don't support what he did. We understand why governments need to punish people who leak their secrets but please explain to me why they are so insane like this thing they did, the Evo Morales’ plane is so far outside of – they had no idea that you were even on the plane, It was like a hunch or like a suspicion, and they brought down his plane for that reason alone. It was very dangerous what they did. And even the Russians were shocked at just the extremity of that conduct. 

Let me ask both of you, just because this is something that I think about a lot. One of my big concerns before we started the reporting was whether we were going to make the right strategic choices in a way that would generate the attention we thought this story deserved. I remember feeling a huge amount of responsibility that I had just unraveled his life, I was always so worried that I was going to do this reporting. Laura was going to do the reporting. We would end up with like a segment on “Democracy Now!” and maybe a five minute-hit on Chris Hayes and then, that would be the end of the attention and the interest in what we were reporting. As it turned out, obviously the interest and the impact exceeded at least my best-case scenario by many multiples of what I was hoping in terms of attention. 

But ten years later, in terms of the reform, I think the kind of expectations or the desires we had about the ability to reestablish the capacity for individuals to use the Internet with some degree of privacy, I'm wondering what you think about the impact of the story from that perspective. It got a ton of attention. It made people aware. People debated Internet privacy for the first time. How do you, though, see now the strength of the U.S. and the Western surveillance state and the ability of people to use the Internet with privacy as compared to before we started the reporting, Laura. 

 

Laura Poitras: I think that that's what Ed did, I mean, his life kind of captures this historical moment where he experienced the Internet as the Internet sort of arrived into our cultures. And I think, as he says, very clearly, it was motivated by the power of that tool for good and for citizens to communicate what an amazing tool the Internet is and how corrupted it's been, how abused has been by governments, and obviously by corporations as well. So, it feels like that's a lost moment, right? I feel that that's people who grow up today don't have that moment of the Internet as a space for free expression. I mean, it's a space that's corporatized, commercialized and it's a surveillance tool. I mean, unfortunately. I do think we, though, have a bit more understanding that there are some tools and technologies that do protect people. I mean, encryption, you know, as of today, it still does work, you know, so that is positive when people know the importance of encryption in a way that they didn't before. 

 

G. Greenwald: But on that, I think a lot of things. One of the things people have forgotten is there was so much momentum in the wake of our reporting, especially about domestic surveillance, that some genuine reform was introduced in the U.S. Congress that was sponsored by Justin Amash, who, at the time was perceived as this kind of hard right Tea Party Republican representative from Michigan, very young, I think he was in his early to mid-thirties who was talking about the Internet in ways very similar to the way Ed was and why it is something we have to kind of protect is this crucial innovation. And he co-sponsored it with John Conyers, the long time, probably on the furthest fringes of the left wing of the Democratic Party as it gets, in terms of mainstream politics. As an African American representative in his eighties, at the time, he was a longtime civil libertarian, and they built a majority in both of the party's caucuses. Foreign Policy has an article that you can read right up today that the headline says, “How Nancy Pelosi Saved NSA Spying Powers.” It was all about how the Obama White House was vehemently opposed to any reforms. And despite Nancy Pelosi to whip enough Democratic votes to oppose this bill and ultimately defeat it by a small number, that was a great opportunity to reform and they had just enough NO votes in the Republican and Democratic parties to defeat it. 

There's now a controversy not getting a lot of attention, but some, and I think it deserves more, where the FBI wants to renew one of its most central tools for spying. Section 702, which the NSA also uses, and there seems to be some resistance again in both parties, out of concern that the FBI is basically completely out of control in how it spies on American citizens on the Internet, basically disregards any of the legal constraints that have been put into place, is minimal as they are. Do you have any hope for the ability to at least usher in some real reforms as part of this renewal, or do you think it's just going to, as it always has, so far at least, kind of slide through with just enough votes to continue? 

 

Laura Poitras:  Do I have hope in elected officials on either party? Not a lot. I have to say not a lot. But I do think we should use this good article to draw attention to it. I do think we should use this moment to draw attention that this should not be renewed. 

 

G. Greenwald: Yeah. We're going to do a show on that because I think, you know, once you start using words like Section 702, you can kind of hear the clicks of people turning off a program. And so, you know, finding ways to make people understand the personal impact that these things have on them is always the challenge. But we have a lot of practice. It's one of the, you know, kind of central projects, I think, of all of ours, over at least the last decade. 

And Ed what about you in terms of this question, obviously there was a huge amount of public attention that I think did exceed our expectations. I remember all the gratification I felt when I would come back to your hotel room in Hong Kong after doing more TV interviews than I could count all over the world and then I got to see you watching the effects of this reporting on your television. I always remember being so relieved and happy that you were able to see the impact in terms of the debate that your decision sparked. And it wasn't just on “Democracy Now!” or on Chris Hayes, but pretty much every global media outlet on the planet was talking about this for months. But in terms of the impact that you were hoping to achieve of reestablishing privacy, of diluting state surveillance, how do you see that 10 years later? 

 

Edward Snowden: Yeah. This was never going to be something like you revealed the documents, and like, in Hollywood, sort of there's sunshine and roses and rainbows the next day. That's not how the world works. That's certainly not how government intelligence agencies work. My desire had been to return public documents to public hands so the public could then express their will and that will would translate into, good or bad, into legislation. 

But exactly as you summarized before, we saw the opposite happen. We were doing a lot of polling. I became very close with the American Civil Liberties Union over the months that would follow. They were actually paying for private polling to make sure we had the most accurate information about what the American people, and people globally as well, in other countries, felt about – were these justifiable? When you take the government's strongest arguments into account, would they be supported and we know the facts, actually, the result was no, people wanted to see a change, they wanted to see these programs shut down. They wanted to see this activity behavior stopped. Basically, they just wanted the government and its agencies to comply with the law. And we saw, as you said, legislative efforts in Congress, fairly heroic efforts to make that possible. But then what we saw was the executive hijack the process – a task someone like, you know, a Nancy Pelosi type, who was personally implicated, by the way, in the criminal activities that were being revealed and discussed, for a long time, because she had previously been top dog on the intelligence committees and they basically thwarted the public desires and they knew what they were doing. They used proceduralism. They used deception. They used the kind of misinformation and disinformation that's becoming so talked about as the threat today, anything they could do to try to bury this. But that's kind of how it works. And that's the meta-angle of this story that you see in what I'm talking about. 

The remarkable thing about the early Internet is that you could have a child engage with an expert on equal terms. And it was the argument that was assessed and valued and measured rather than the identity because the identity wasn't known. They had both chosen their own names. They had both chosen to engage in the conversation. The kid, surely, nine out of ten times would be wrong but maybe one time they were right. They had a good point. The Internet and governance, conversation, debate, policy have become very identitarian. The Internet has become very identitarian. Both corporations and governments heavily pressure these sorts of a real name, real identity policies, where they want you to put your picture up there. They want you to put your face up there, they want you to put your name up there, and people end up pigeonholed. Their filter bubbled into little communities and even where they are sort of radical, or out there, they're shouting into a small void only occupied by people of like minds. And this is how the democratic process went sideways. And this is kind of what's happening or likely to happen with this approach to (section) 702 reform at the end of the year. You know, it's ironic that […] Go ahead.

 

G. Greenwald: Let me just introduce just a quick question, which is when I started seeing some of the footage from Citizenfour, that Laura took, and then when I watched the film and kind of just had some opportunity to breathe and reflect on what we did in Hong Kong, I ended up realizing that probably half of what we talked about was about the privacy aspect and the surveillance aspect, but probably half of it was about the role of journalism and the importance of transparency. The fact that if we're going to turn the Internet into what it was promised to be, which was this unprecedented tool of liberation, into the opposite, which is the most unprecedented tool of coercion and control through surveillance, that it ought to be at least something in a democratic society that we know about, that it's not done in secret. Even unbeknownst to many of our elected officials, we had members of parliament in the U.K. and members of Congress in the U.S. saying they had no idea any of this was being done until they learned about it from the reporting that we did and that your whistleblowing enabled. I think people look back at the story and think about it as being about privacy and surveillance, which of course it was. But what about the journalism and the transparency component of it? That was clearly a pretty big motivating factor for you as well. 

 

Edward Snowden: Yeah. I've been saying for 10 years now, like the reason that I didn't go to the New York Times, was the fact that they spiked a story one month before an election that would have changed the course of that election – that President Bush had broken the law and spied on every American, violated the Constitution the most flagrant way – and they were like, “yeah, the White House doesn't want us to do that, so, we're not going to do that.” And it's The New York Times, right? You would not think it to be the most pro-Bush organization. The reality is the distance between the left and the right institutionally is not very far. When you talk social issues, there are differences, right? Well, when you talk about the kind of thing they put on a bumper sticker, there are differences but when you talk about institutions, when you start talking about money, when you start talking about violence, when you start talking about power, they're really largely marching in lockstep there. 

What we saw in 2013, and the years after it, is that this is not a story about surveillance. It's a story that involves surveillance. This is a story about democracy and power – how institutions function and what we are taught to believe is a free and open society. But it will not and never can remain a free and open society unless we make it so. And we must make it so over the objections of the government. And that's something that I think a lot of people don't understand. I have been criticized as a hacker, right? To imply some sort of criminal cast on that. But what is a hacker? People think like Stock photos of some guy in a hoodie hunched over a keyboard. But a hacker is simply somebody who understands the rules of a system better than the people who created it. Hacks are the product of exploiting the gap in awareness between how the system is believed to function and how the system functions, in fact. And that's what's happened to our political system, not just for the last 10 years, but for the last many, many decades, where the public wants one thing, the public believes one thing, it's very clear there's support for one thing, but then, special interests or corporations or lobbyists or a party or both parties want something very different. Look at this: even just considering the way stock trading is handled for members of Congress, everybody in the country is getting poorer while they are becoming richer. And when you look at this, when you look at the story of 2013, when you look at the reforms that happened and the ones that don't, a lot of people fall into despondency, they become depressed. They think there's nothing we can do, but actually, we can, and we did. The important lesson to take away from 2013 is not that, “Oh, you know, the sort of bad guy was vanquished and everything is good again,” because that's not how it works. This is the work of a lifetime. This is the work of every lifetime. If you want a free society, you have to make it that way. But just like these institutions, hacked our government is to seize control away from us, in important ways, small groups of committed people, activists, volunteers, engineers, and people who have no political power whatsoever, coordinated and collaborated together to hack the Internet in a positive way, to defeat the very forms of mass surveillance that the government was doing without the public will on a technical level. This is the kind of thing we're talking about with encryption. In 2013, nobody used secure messengers unless they were, you know, cypherpunks, so, unless they were hackers, unless they were information […] 

 

G. Greenwald: Somebody on the U.S. government enemies’ list, Iike Gora. I think let me just say, it's really true, you know, obviously, I did not know how encryption worked when we first spoke. It wasn't something I was particularly talented at mastering, but I remember very well within the first month of the story, or two months after the story broke, several New York Times journalists, including some of the most well-known investigative journalists who work on the most sensitive national security matters, kind of called me with an attitude of sort of like, okay, we'll take it over from here. Why don't you go ahead and give us the archive and we'll go ahead and do the reporting and then, you know what? I made very clear that wasn't going to happen, that we were not going to just send them a copy of the archive because they were entitled to it, because it’s The New York Times, it started becoming a kind of like pleading sort of, can you please share one or two stories with us? And as we considered it, you know, I made very clear to them that using the most sophisticated forms of encryption that I had taken like a three-month course in, was a prerequisite to even considering that, and almost none of them knew what encryption was, seen with reporters at The Atlantic, The New Yorker, and just the fact now that we can talk about encryption, it's something that people are aware of. People use signals and purposely seek out privacy-enhanced means of communicating. All came from this report. None of that was true prior to 2013. I think you two were among 14 people on the planet that use encryption back then, and now, it's something that, maybe is not as common as we want, but infinitely more common than it was back then. 

 

Edward Snowden: That's absolutely right. Everybody who works in the news nowadays uses encryption. One of the – actually the only sort of public example of the damage that all of us collectively produced as a result of these disclosures – that was publicly argued by then Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, most famous for lying to Congress – was that the revelations of 2013 about mass surveillance pulled forward the adoption of strong encryption on the Internet by seven years. And he said this on the sidelines of the Aspen Security Conference to reporters and he was like, this is like a terrible thing, like “oh, no”. This is one of the nicest things anyone's ever said about me. Like, this is a remarkable thing. Like, we made global communications more secure by seven years. A lot happens in seven years. 

 

G. Greenwald: Absolutely. So, we're going to talk about this third clip. You know, we've spent time talking about the significant risks that were in the air from this reporting, not as a means of congratulating ourselves for our great personal courage, but in order to illustrate how many tools Western governments have to punish people and to try and intimidate them if you actually do real reporting that undermines their interest – if you expose the lies and illegalities they do in secret. WikiLeaks was certainly hanging in there the entire time that we were doing this reporting. 

The first time I met Laura was when you came to Rio. You were working on a film about WikiLeaks at the time and came to interview me as part of that film. The fact that they were being persecuted back then was certainly something that was very much on our minds. And then once we did the reporting, the threats that people like James Clapper were making, both privately and publicly, the U.K. invading the newsroom of The Guardian and forcing them through threat to destroy those computers, although it was something the Guardian, I think quite cowardly, ended up acquiescing to unnecessarily. It was a pathetic image to see The Guardian destroying their own computers while government agents stood over them, instead of forcing them to go to court and getting an order to force them to do that. And then, the other episode was the detention of my husband, David Miranda, when he had gone to visit you in Germany and was traveling back to Rio through Heathrow International Airport and was detained for 12 hours under a terrorism law. I remember that day very vividly, and the only reason I believe he got released was because the Brazilian government, under Dilma Rousseff, was very aggressive about demanding his release. It became a big diplomatic scandal between the UK and Brazil. It was the biggest story in Brazil that the British government obviously picked David in large part because he was Brazilian. You would travel out of Heathrow, in and out of Heathrow, without problems, even though you actually had a government watch list for the United States. And so, this scene from Citizenfour is when they did release him. And I went to the airport at 4:30 in the morning to get him. And there was a huge throng of international media there. And you had sent somebody to film that scene and it became part of Citizenfour. Do you want to talk about the clip before we show it? 

 

Laura Poitras:  First of all, sort of going back to sort of the larger context. I mean, like in the work that I do, I think just important and it's also the work that both of you talk about – the sort of the myth of American exceptionalism that we go around saying that we care about press freedom and yet we're trying to put Julian Assange in prison for the rest of his life. And the importance of constantly talking about that. And one of the tools and techniques that the government uses when they want to target journalism that they don't like or criminalize journalism that they don't like is to use the label of terrorism. So, I know that very well. I was put on a terrorist watch list in 2016 after making a film about the war in Iraq, and this is what the UK did when it detained David. 

David had come to Berlin to work with me. I'm not going to go into a lot of details because it's not something I do often but it's true that I didn't trust many people and I trusted David and I wasn't going to trust anyone else. But I know now, in retrospect, I have no doubt that there weren't multiple intelligence agencies following every step of his travels, and they were just looking for the right moment to target him. I'm sure that they were in Berlin and I'm not going to speak to The Guardian's decision to route his flight through London but it's true. I'd already been there. And I think it's just a reminder that so many people made this reporting possible, not just the people whose names are out front. My name, your name, Glenn. So many people took enormous risks. And David really took an incredible risk as somebody who wasn't holding a U.S. passport and was taking enormous risks, too, to enable this journalism with no personal benefit and only personal risk. And I'm forever grateful to him. 

 

G. Greenwald: All right, Let's show this clip. 

 

(Video. Citizenfour. Praxis Film. 2014.) 

 

[Text on Screen]: On his return to meeting me in Berlin, Glenn Greenwald’s partner, David Miranda, is detained at London’s Heathrow Airport for nine hours under the UK’s Terrorism Act.

The White House is notified in advance.

 

Greenwald: Oh, my God. David! You. You’re ok? 

(They have to cross a hall crowded with reporters)

 

Miranda: I just want to go.

 

Greenwald: Okay. Okay. Okay. You just have to walk through it. 

 

(In elevator)

Miranda: How are you?

 

Greenwald: Good. Good. I’m totally fine. I didn’t sleep at all. I couldn’t sleep. 



G. Greenwald: That really reminds me of when that happened, we both felt an obligation to present this very defiant and fearless posture because we wanted it to be very clear that the attempt to intimidate us in our reporting was not going to work, that that we were not in any way frightened by what had happened. We weren't bothered by it. This was something we felt very important to convey. And yet over time, David started to acknowledge, first to me and then to himself, that in fact, it was very, very traumatizing because – and this is something that I didn't think about at the time, and I found it so interesting that I didn't – which was that I think if you do hold an American passport, as you said Laura, or you just feel like you're kind of in a way protected. But, you know, he talked about the fact that if you're someone who's not white and you don't have a British or an American passport and you are accused of violating terrorism laws in the U.K. or the U.S., the governments have proven that there is no limit on what they will do to you. And he spent that day, you know, imagining things like being taken to Guantanamo or, not necessarily the most rational things, but with a good component of rationality to them. 

I remember I'll never forget the British official who called me that day and said David had been detained under a terrorism law. The first thing I did was go immediately online and found both of you. I don't remember in which order, but I do remember, Ed, that I don't think I've ever seen you as angry as you were that day. Neither before nor since, because there was just something about it that was so, you know, it really revealed exactly the reasons why these governments can't be trusted with these kinds of powers – and just like the abusive and thuggish nature of what they will do. Why was that something that I mean, you've talked about, the admiration that you've had for David many times, but why was that day in particular something that was just very emotional for you? 

 

Edward Snowden: First, I remember getting sort of a live update from you. And when David was finally released and you had communications of the breakdown of what had happened and how it was and, I mean, I was just extraordinarily impressed by his courage, which was almost otherworldly at one point. He's in interrogation with terrorism officers, Lord knows how many spies are in a cell in Heathrow. And, you know, they're like, oh, you know, do you want some water or something like that? And the guy's got to be parched. And he's like, I don't trust your water. And the message that sends and just the human desire to escape the situation just even for five minutes, the pressure to say, yes, please, give me something. He didn't give an inch. You know, that's an example that will stay with me for the rest of my life. But this is something that I had to deal with many times where I was like, what are they going to do with my family and people traveling to meet with me? It was just so greasy and underhanded to intercept somebody who was a family member of a journalist, working on this directly traveling in the service of a journalistic task, in a journalistic role, on a ticket that's funded by a newspaper. And they knew this, they knew this, but they didn't care. And that was the point like that, the whole thing where they're like they notified the White House in advance. They're clearly coordinating. A decision was made at the very highest levels because they knew the implications of this and they went, what can we get? How far can we push? Will this person cooperate? Is this something that we want to repeat? And it's important for people to understand, I think, the power of not cooperating and sending the example that this is not going to go down the way you think it is. And I think the world owes David a debt of gratitude. He is a remarkable man, a good friend. But most importantly, he was a good person who did good work for all of us. 

 

G. Greenwald: And so, as kind of the last question, we've talked about him a couple of times, but I do want to conclude by talking about Daniel Ellsberg, because this was somebody who, for me was one of my childhood heroes. And the fact that I was able to become a friend of his and then work with him at his side and yours, both of you, in the organization we created back in 2011, the Freedom of the Press Foundation, which originally was about trying to break the blockade that the government had pressured corporations like Bank of America, MasterCard, Visa and Amazon from essentially excluding WikiLeaks from the financial system to prevent them from fundraising – an incredibly dangerous power to give the government extrajudicially with no charges just to cut off their funding – and now it's expanded to become a very broad-based press freedom group. 

The ability to have gotten to work with Daniel Ellsberg for me was one of the great honors of my life. I kind of consider him the pioneer, like the grandfather of modern-day whistleblowing, you know, this kind of large-scale, full disclosure of the way the government keeps secrets in order not to protect American people but to protect themselves from the lying and the lawbreaking that they do. Clearly, I think I can speak on behalf of us, he inspired us in all sorts of ways. I know he did for me. He was widely reported to have terminal pancreatic cancer. He's at the kind of end stage of his life. So, both in terms of like what he meant for the story, but also just like the impact that he had on the world Laura, what do you see as his kind of legacy? 

 

Laura Poitras:  And it was a good example of a bit of a whistleblower doing the right thing, Somebody who was exposed to knowledge that he knew that the public had a right to know. And I do think often that it shouldn't be the case that whistleblowers like Ed and Dan and Chelsea have to risk their lives for us to know what we've learned from them, that we know that our elected officials actually had the protection. They could go and read anything into the public record and face no political consequences because of their position as elected officials. And yet they refuse to do the right thing. For instance, anyone who was elected in Congress could release that classified torture report, just released into the public, read it into the public record, and they don't. And it's really, it's not a good sign of a society that people like Ed and Dan have to take the risks that they do when we have people in elected leaders, so-called leaders, who could do that and face very little consequences criminally. 

 

G. Greenwald: Yeah, just along those lines, before I ask you at that same question, I do think it's worth remembering, first of all, before Daniel Ellsberg went to The New York Times and gave those documents to The New York Times, he tried to get senators to use their constitutional immunity that essentially says that members of Congress can never be held accountable for anything they say on the floor of the House or the Senate to read the Pentagon Papers into the record, knowing they could not be held accountable. And they refused to do it and forced him into the position of committing what the government regarded as felonies. And he almost went to prison for it. There was something very similar, which is two members of Congress – Ron Wyden and I forget the other Democratic senator now, I don't know if you guys remember, you can tell me [...]

 

Edward Snowden: […] Senator Udall.

 

G. Greenwald: Yeah. Senator Udall.  Udall. Yeah, exactly. Wyden and Senator Udall went around for two or three years hinting and winking and saying, “Oh, if you only knew what the NSA was doing in terms of their interpretation of the Patriot Act and what powers they claim for themselves, this would shock you,” but they would never say what it was, even though they had that same power to go on to the Senate floor and talk about it without any consequences at all – or leaving it to Ed to risk his liberty, which he did – he could have easily ended up in prison and probably the odds were overwhelming that he would have, but instead end up, you know, now nine years in exile [...] 

 

Edward Snowden: And may still.

 

G. Greenwald: And you still might. Exactly. And that risk is still there. Hopefully, it's not going to happen. But they left it to you to go and do, and exactly as were said, it is the failure ultimately of people in power that leave it to ordinary citizens, who are defenseless, to go and do what they should be doing themselves. That's how Daniel Ellsberg came very close to life in prison. That's how Ed did as well. 

So, in terms of Daniel Ellsberg, who I definitely see as your predecessor, he always said that he regarded people like you and Chelsea Manning and Julian Assange as people he was waiting for his whole life to kind of emerge as people who did exactly what he did in the same spirit. He's long been one of your most vocal defenders from the beginning. How do you see his legacy and his life at this stage? 

 

Edward Snowden: Dan is a dear, dear friend of mine. But when you scope out of the personal, the remarkable thing about Daniel Ellsberg is he became an archetype. He established the archetype. There will probably never be another Daniel Ellsberg, but there will be many, many people who follow his example. And I am absolutely one of them. I do not believe I could have done what I did without the example of Daniel Ellsberg. When I was agonizing over what to do – Should I say anything? How should I manage this? – I watched a documentary, which is a beautiful callback to Laura's involvement, called “The Most Dangerous Man in America.” And just seeing his example, how the White House villainized him and said all the worst things – they immediately went after him. They used the media. They used dirty tricks. It provided just the bare outlines of a template that I would continue to flesh out, look at and revisit and poke at, and modernize something to work from a sketch of how it should be. What are people at their best? Daniel Ellsberg, when he released the Pentagon Papers, was a man at his best. 

One of the things that struck me, when we talked about the Russia thing and everything like that, that was when everybody was starting to freak out about that for the very first time, in the beginning, and saying I should come home, I should come home, I should go to the courts, Daniel Ellsberg came forward – and he had never spoken with me at that time – and he said, “No, absolutely not.” The United States of 2013 is not the United States of the 1970s. Our court system provides no meaningful defense against this. He'll be convicted. The story will shut down, he won't be able to argue his case. The jury won't be able to decide the central questions. The truth won't even be allowed to be spoken in the court because the government will object and the judge will sustain it and that's how the system works today. 

I think the most consequential thing about Dan, in his life, and his example is that he allowed us to scope out from that individual to look at the systemic problem through his example. He actually provoked the state into revealing itself for what it is, which is an entity that will stop at nothing, frankly, to preserve its own power. It's not about national security and it's not about homeland security. That's rhetoric. It's about state security, which is a very different thing for public safety. He taught me that. And I think we'll be learning from his example for a very long time. 

 

G. Greenwald: Absolutely. And from yours. And so, I just want to say I went into journalism to do stories like the one we did together, where you fulfill your function, you as a citizen. Laura and I, as journalists in this case. You discovered deceit and abuse of power by the most powerful people in society and then you used journalism and whistleblowing in order to expose it, to inform the public of things that should never have been kept from them. In the beginning, I do think it ushered in a huge amount of change, even though the NSA is still –the building has not collapsed in on itself – they are still spying. 

I think the example that you set as a whistleblower, that the film inspired, that we were able to do in terms of re-establishing the spirit of what journalism is supposed to be about is, one of the great honors of my life. It's one of the things of which I'm proudest 10 years later, more so than ever. And the fact that, even though, as Laura said, we did do it with a large number of people without whom it really would not have been possible, it began with the three of us in that hotel room in Hong Kong. And I'm very honored that I got to do it together with the two of you people whom I really admire and whose integrity and courage I have immense respect for. And so, I'm thrilled we got to do that together until we got to spend this 10-year anniversary together talking about it and talking about the implications of it. And I really just want to thank you for taking the time. 

 

Edward Snowden: It's been an absolute pleasure and I hope we can do it again in 10 more. 

 

G. Greenwald: Absolutely. Our 20-year anniversary – it's kind of like those high school reunions where every 10 years everyone gets a little older, but you still forge ahead with it. Great to see you guys. Thanks so much. 

 

Laura Poitras:  Thank you so much. 


Edward Snowden: A pleasure. Cheers.

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I just want to spell a few things out.

As we all know, it's been 6 years since the feds reportedly found cameras set up in nearly every room in Epstein's several mansions and took possession of hundreds of videos and other materials that might have incriminated any number of the many important attendees at Epstein's frequent sex parties.

Given the many problems and questions plaguing the various Epstein cases and the lack of progress or even much related news during that 6 years, despite fervent public interest, the ONLY explanations that make any sense to me are:

(1) that at least some of BOTH Republicans and Dems – and/or their important patrons – were in fact involved in the abuse, leading to a Mexican stand-off; and/or

(2) that those in possession of the evidence incriminating Epstein’s various clients aren't prosecuting them because they want to be able to continue to use it to manipulate said clients, and they won’t be able to do that if all the beans are spilled.

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Is There Evidence of Epstein's Ties to Israel? Yes: Ample. Brazil's Chief Censor Orders Rumble to Ban US Citizen and Turn Over Data
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The following is an abridged transcript from System Update’s most recent episode. You can watch the full episode on Rumble or listen to it in podcast form on Apple, Spotify, or any other major podcast provider.  

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President Trump last week reacted with anger and dismissiveness when a reporter asked his Attorney General, Pam Bondi, at the White House, whether Jeffrey Epstein had connections with a foreign or domestic intelligence agency: “That's too trivial to even discuss,” Trump decreed. For her part, AG Bondi said she had no idea whether Epstein had any such ties, as if it were the first time she ever heard of that or considered it, and said she'd get back to us with the answer. Do not hold your breath. 

Then, after Tucker Carlson over the weekend said, at Charlie Kirk's Turning Points U.S.A. Conference, that he believes Epstein has ties to Israeli intelligence – something he said everyone in Washington knows – the attacks on Carlson were as intense and unified as anything I've ever seen. Former Israeli Prime Minister, Neftali Bennett, issued a carefully worded but enraged denial toward Carlson, vowing that he "won't take it anymore." 

Is there evidence that the serial pedophile and sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein had ties to the Israeli government and its intelligence agencies, such as the Mossad? In a word: yes. Note that I did not say there was ‘proof’ – that's different – because only the U.S. government can show us the definitive evidence about this question, one way or the other, something that bizarrely they simply refused to do. We'll review all that evidence linking Epstein to the Israelis, not so much to prove that Epstein was an Israeli agent since we can't do that, but to demonstrate that there is very ample ground for asking that question and demanding the Trump administration show us what they have on this topic and all topics related to Jeffrey Epstein. 

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There are a lot of issues swirling around the Epstein case, and there have been for quite a long time, but I have always said, going back years – and this year leading up to the expectation that the Trump administration would finally give us the answers that its key officials had long been promising – that the most significant unanswered question, at least one of them, was whether Jeffrey Epstein had ties with or worked with or for an intelligence agency, foreign or domestic. 

The reason that's an important question is an obvious one. Namely, that intelligence agencies want as much dirt on people as they can get. That's why they spy on people. It's why they invent invasive surveillance technologies. The Israelis are masters of this. Most of the most pernicious spying programs, like Pegasus, emanate from Israel. The Israelis are notorious for using intelligence against “their allies,” like the United States, spying in person and spying digitally. 

Jeffrey Epstein was obviously somebody who had access to the most elite circles of the most powerful people who spent a great deal of time with him, consorting with him, staying with him, visiting him, flying with him, going to his island, even after he was convicted of soliciting minors for prostitution and having sex with minors. 

How is that even possible? You know somebody has been convicted or pled guilty to using minors as prostitutes, minors who can't consent, who are basically raped if you have sex with them, which is what Jeffrey Epstein did, and then you say, come to my house, I'm going to fly with you on your plane, I'm going to be your friend, I'm to spend a lot of time with you. Of course, all of that finally came to a head in 2018 when the evidence became overwhelming of all he had gotten away with and all the questions swirling around him, the U.S. government indicted him and then he allegedly committed suicide in prison. 

So, there have been a lot of questions, but, to me, the biggest one has always been if he was working with or for any foreign intelligence in part because his wealth was massive, clearly that of a multibillionaire. No one knows where his wealth came from. He was working as a teacher at a private high school, the Dalton School, even though he had no college degree, and then suddenly appeared out of nowhere as one of the world's richest people and couldn't explain to anybody what was the source of his vast wealth. He had cameras in all of these homes where all of this sex with underage people was taking place. It's exactly the kind of thing that any intelligence agency would die to get their hands on, especially if they have leverage over him; that's the one thing you would want from him, that kind of information. 

When Pam Bondi, Kash Patel, Dan Bongino and the Trump administration announced they were closing this case because they found nothing incriminating, they ran to Axios, of all places, and leaked a memo on Sunday night announcing to the public that they found nothing incriminating. There was no blackmail. He definitely killed himself. No, there was no client list, even though they repeatedly said there was. But one thing they did not say is whether he was working with or for foreign intelligence agencies or domestic intelligence agencies, which is something that people have been asking for a long time. They didn't even address it. That's not one of the things they denied. They didn't even bother to address it, and so a very conscientious reporter, who I believe works for the New York Post, went to the White House during one of President Trump's press briefings, where his cabinet was, including Pam Bondi, and he asked Pam Bondi exactly that question. This is where Trump erupted with anger and said, "Move on, this is not even worth talking about.' And Pam Bondi basically said, "I don't know, never thought of it.". 

Here's just a reminder of what happened.

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It is very well-documented on this show and elsewhere that critics of Israel are not only smeared and maligned but are often officially punished by the U.S. government and other Western nations. Few people have endured more such attacks than our guest tonight: the Italian specialist in human rights law and the U.N. Rapporteur for Palestine, Francesca Albanese. 

And for doing her job and doing it well, Albanese has now not only been widely branded an anti-Semite, of course, but is also being punished by multiple Western governments as well as Israel in all sorts of ways. Those reprisals against her, again, for the crime of documenting Israeli crimes in Gaza and the West Bank – her job – severely escalated this week when Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced the imposition of American sanctions against her personally, against her finances, her travel and other abilities in her life. His announcement, not coincidentally, came just days after the U.N. publicized her report about the role of American Big Tech companies – including Google, Amazon and Palantir – in working with the IDF and profiting off of the destruction of Gaza. She'll join us tonight to talk about her work and the ongoing attacks against her. 

Then: as you likely know, every Friday night we try to reserve all of our shows or a significant part of our shows for a Q&A session with the members of our Locals. As usual, we have a wide range of questions, and we’ll answer some of them.

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The Interview: Francesca Albanese

Our guest tonight, the U.N. Rapporteur for Palestine, Francesca Albanese, in a lot of ways, is a tribute to the remarkable courage and relentless investigative work and the refusal to back down when documenting Israeli war crimes in Palestine by the Israelis. 

Of course, people always accuse her and the U.N. generally of obsessing on Israel. It's not true. There are U.N. Rapporteurs for human rights abuses in countless other countries. I just named some of them: North Korea, Afghanistan, Syria, Colombia, Burundi, Iran, and many others as well. The idea that the U.N. focuses only on Israel or that it somehow obsesses on Israel is laughable. 

Francesca Albanese’s job, in particular, is to document as a rapporteur, which is a legal position where international human rights lawyers volunteer their time pro bono to work on matters documenting human rights abuses in various areas for the U.N. Her role is to do so documenting the abuses by the Israeli government, paid for and armed by the U.S. and other Western governments and that's the work she's been doing.

She has also been involved throughout her life in all kinds of other human rights abuses throughout the world that have nothing to do with Israel. She's traveling this week in Bosnia, where she's commemorating the massacres against Bosnian Muslims during the 1990s. She has been involved in refugee crises and migrant abuses, or abuses in Afghanistan. This is just part of her work, but it's the part of her work that, unlike all the other things she's done, which have provoked retaliation, because in the U.S. and the West, it's increasingly viewed as not just amoral but criminal to criticize Israel. 

You need no further proof than the announcement this week by the American Secretary of State, Marco Rubio – the U.S. Secretary of State, not the Secretary of State for Israel – announcing punishments on her, and this is what he said on July 10. He posted on X: 

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Notice what Secretary Rubio did not accuse her of lying or publishing fabrications, or manipulating evidence, or spreading disinformation. The anger is over the accuracy of her work and it's not a coincidence that, the day before Secretary Rubio announced those sanctions, the Washington Post documented a report that the U.N. issues that was authored and overseen by Francesca Albanese, that was specifically designed to demonstrate how major Big Tech companies, including Google, along with Palantir, Amazon and others, are providing weapons, and by weapons I mean tech weapons, surveillance weapons, military weapons to Israel and to the IDF to profit off of the destruction, the ethnic cleansing in Gaza. In many ways, U.S. Big Tech companies are more powerful than the U.S. government. They're central to the U.S. military-industrial complex. They all have massive contracts with the U.S. intelligence agency. 

But knowing exactly that, she decided that it was important to document the role of industrial forces in what is happening in the IDF. And for that, she got the announcement as – you'll never guess – antisemitic, by the co-founder of Google, Sergey Brin, who is a Russian Jewish immigrant to the United States, a U.S. citizen, co-founded Google, a multibillionaire, one of the world's 10 richest people. 

The Washington Post got hold of internal dialogue from internal chats from Google, where he made it clear to Google employees that they should never even be discussed because the U.N. itself is transparently antisemitic. The headline was: “Google Co-Founder Sergey Brin Calls U.N. ‘Transparently Antisemitic’ After Report on Tech Firms and Gaza.” His argument was that the use of “genocide,” not to talk about what was done to Jews 80 years ago, but to talk about what's being done by Israel today, is inherently antisemitic. 

Genocide is a term you can apply to every country on the planet except Israel, according to the multi-multibillionaire co-founder of Google, Sergey Brin. That shows you, again, there was nothing in the report that he said was false. They're not angry that she published false information designed to malign the reputation of Google. They're angry that you published true information about Google's role in the IDF. 

For all the conservative claims about how much they hate Big Tech, they are completely in bed with Big Tech and the U.S. military-industrial complex and the intelligence community are completely in bed with Big Tech. We've documented that many times before. We did a whole show on the role of Palantir

And for as much retaliation as you will suffer if you criticize Israel, documenting the role of America's largest tech companies and its partnership with the IDF and its profiteering off of the destruction of Gaza, is a red line that apparently Marco Rubio decided merits sanctions. That was the straw that broke the camel's back. 

I'm sure there have been calls for her sanctioning or other punishment – of course, calling her an anti-Semite, the way everyone who criticizes Israel is called an anti-Semite, everybody knows that formula by now – but the American government sanctioning her because of criticism of Israel – and obviously she's documenting as well the vital role the U.S. and Europeans are playing in arming and financing that war. All things again, that's her job to do. Nobody can test the veracity of it. They're now going to block her finances, prevent her from using credit cards and bank accounts, whatever they can do with these sanctions. 

One of the impressive things about Francesca Albanese, many things, is that she doesn't speak from a place of ideology. She doesn't speak from a place of political bias. She's an international human rights lawyer and an academic who is best known for her role as the United Nations Special Rapporteur for the situation on human rights in Palestine, but she was only appointed to that position in 2022. She has done lots of other work throughout her life. She's a scholar at Georgetown University's Institute for the Study of International Migration. She has been in the news recently because of Gaza and the proposals against her, but as I said, she's done human rights advocacy and work concerning migrants, concerning Bosnian Muslims or Afghanistan, concerning a whole variety of other issues as well, and she's never suffered a reprisal before until her work starting in 2022 focused on the attack by the IDF against the people of Gaza, which even Israeli genocide experts who have stood up and defended her say is a genocide. 

So the fact that she's done this work, knowing the attack she was going to get, the fact that's she's unbothered by these attacks, that she continues to be one of the most informed, eloquent and courageous spokespersons objecting to what I do think is the atrocity of our time, which is the Israeli destruction of Gaza, makes her, in my view, extremely admirable and worthy of respect, but also somebody very worth listening to. There are few people who know more about the situation than she. It's our pleasure to welcome her to the show this evening. 


G. Greenwald: Ms. Albanese, thank you so much for taking the time to talk to us. We are very interested in your case. I want to begin with a common criticism that I hear frequently of people like yourself, who focus a lot on the Israeli destruction of Gaza, the ethnic cleansing taking place there, the genocide, which is, “Oh, you seem very obsessed with Israel; you don't really seem to care much about other human rights violations.” 

I know one of the things you're doing now is traveling; we had a little bit of a hard time scheduling. Where are you traveling today and for what purpose? 

Francesca Albanese: I just arrived in Sarajevo from Srebrenica. I've been invited to speak after Slovenia, after London, after Madrid, to speak to the people here about what's going on in the occupied Palestinian territory, particularly in Gaza. I was honored to accept the invitation in this context, where the genocide survivors are hosting a space to talk about all genocides. 

Today I went to Srebrenica to pay tribute to the survivors and the victims. It was very heavy and there is so much that I'm still processing this, but something that really touched me was the nerve of some Western officials who, on the one hand, said, “Oh, we have always been with you and we will be with you forever.” No, no, there was no NATO when the Bosnian people were slaughtered, especially those in Srebrenica. 

The people in Srebrenica were not even forced out of Srebrenica, because there was a safe area under U.N. supervision and the U.N. itself didn't protect the people. So, 30 years later, these people have the nerve to come and deliver messages from afar. The population is still so devastated, [inaudible] and say, well, I will not let you rewrite it. 

G. Greenwald: Yeah, I mean, it's important in and of itself to talk about that massacre in Bosnia, but also to underscore how universalized your human rights focus has been. It's not like you just focus on Israel and Palestine, other than the job that you have. But let me ask you about the specific job that you have, because I think a lot of people don't understand the function generally of U.N. Rapporteurs, but also the specific function that you serve as the U.N. Rapporteur for Palestine, for the occupiers of Palestine. So, can you talk about what it is that your job at the U.N. as an official is intended to be, both generally and specifically, in your case? 

Francesca Albanese: United Nations special rapporteurs are experts of the United Nations, appointed by the Human Rights Council to serve for a term of three or six years, in my case, documenting and supporting given human rights situations. It can be thematic issues like reporting on the state of the right to food, the prevention of torture, freedom of assembly and freedom of expression. There are also a number of mandates that have a country focus, for example, Iran, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, and the occupied Palestinian territories. So, my responsibility as per the resolution that created this mandate is to document, report and investigate reported violations of international law committed by Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory. 

Is it an obsession to focus on Israel? Not really, because when the mandate was created, the Palestinian authorities, or whatever people think that the Palestinians have, were not even in existence. And so Israel was and still remains the occupying power ruling through a brutal regime of oppression and apartheid over the Palestinians and this is why this mandate is still in function. I would be the happiest to be the last special Rapporteur in the occupied Palestinian territories and see the end of the forever occupation, apartheid, and justice for the genocide that is still ongoing.  

G. Greenwald: One of the reasons why you're even more in the news this week than you often are is because the U.S. State Department under Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced that there were going to be a whole variety of sanctions directed at you for your criticisms essentially of Israel, which is your job at the U.N., and I want to get into a lot of the other reprisals that you face, but I want to just focus on this for the moment because it's new. 

It struck me, and I'm wondering whether it also struck you as important, that the last thing you did as rapporteur before being sanctioned was the publication of this report detailing the role that key U.S. tech companies such as Google and Amazon and others play in providing the IDF with technology, with intelligence, with all kinds of instruments and weapons that they use in their destruction of Gaza. Can you talk a little bit about what this report was and whether you think that it was the proximate cause or the last straw before sanctions were imposed on you? 

Francesca Albanese: Yes, my last report is the outcome of an investigation that started about eight months ago and has led me to collect information through various sources, submissions, investigative journalists, forensic experts, economists, civil society scholars, lawyers; about 1,000 entities that operate in the occupied Palestinian territory as private sector, which includes a broad range of entities, from arms manufacturers, tech companies, construction machinery-related companies, like producing anything from bulldozers, or anything to build the infrastructure from water grids to roads and rails, until banks, pension funds, supply chain companies, and universities. 

I've realized by looking at this puzzle and organizing all the elements, that Israel has maintained what had already been called by many economists and scholars an economy of the occupation. I have realized that each sector and various companies for sectors, advancing the displacement and replacement of the Palestinians. For example, to take control of their land and emptying it of Palestinians, Israel has used weapons, bulldozers and other machines, it has used surveillance technology to segregate the Palestinians and make sure that their life would grow increasingly constrained to the benefit of the expansion of the colonies, in which, meanwhile, there would be the realization of the second pillar of the Israeli economy, the replacement of the Palestinians through the construction on their land of colonies, water grid, electricity grid and rails, roads, and then the installation of companies to produce and sell goods from dates to wines to beauty products from the Dead Sea, etc. Then, there would be a network to sell these products. 

But all of these would not have been possible without the enablers – banks, pension funds, and other providers of financial resources, and universities and other institutions, charities – lending legitimacy to Israel. Israel's economy is inseparable from that of the occupation. 

So, my report says, first and foremost, we need to stop this fiction of there is a good Israel within the Green Line and a bad Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory because when everything is so ingrained, all the more now that there are proceedings against Israel for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, and in the last 20 months, and this is the last point [inaudible] the facts without bothering the legal framework, is that while the Israeli economy was nosediving in many respects in free fall and Israelis were losing jobs and livelihoods, the Israeli stock exchange kept on rising, amassing $220 billion, which means an increase of +170%. How is it possible? It’s because there have been companies that have profited from the escalation of violence and the genocidal violence in Gaza.

For example, the companies in particular, arms manufacturers. Israel has sophisticated, perfected, even changed and made its weapons more lethal, which have been provided through these companies directly or through member states like the United States, Germany, and others. But also Israel wouldn't have been able to do that without the banks that, at the moment of great crisis, increased deficit and fall of the credit rating, like credit trust, in that case, it's been the banks and other financial institutions intervening to supply Israel with all the resources it needed. And meanwhile, all the other companies, which should have disengaged decades ago, have continued to stay engaged and provide tools that have allowed not just Israel to continue the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians in the West Bank, but that have contributed to the extrajudicial killings and other genocidal acts, including the pulverization of Gaza. 

G. Greenwald: Yeah, and I should note that it has often been the case that these kinds of sustained occupations and massacres have often used the nation's industries as a tool for doing so. Obviously, Nazi Germany relied on it to a great extent, but many others as well. 

But I guess one of the things I'm trying to get at is that, in the United States government's mind, these companies, Apple, Google, Amazon, Palantir and others, are kind of the crowning jewel of American power. They're very integrated into the U.S. military, the U.S. intelligence community. They provide a lot of money to a lot of politicians in Washington. And you have been the target of extreme criticism from the Trump administration, even before that, from the Biden administration. And it seems like these sanctions came right as your report was issued implicating these companies in this ethnic cleansing and genocide, and I'm wondering if you think that was what provoked these sanctions. 

Francesca Albanese: Look, first, let me tell for the benefit of your audience, that by no means would I like people to think that this is an exhaustive list. My report contains reference to 48 entities, 60, if we could see, there are also the parents, subsidiaries, franchisees and licensees, but this is not the list, this is just a set of cases which are illustrative of an overall criminal endeavor. All these companies have been put on notice. I gave them time to check the facts that were contested. I have prepared a tailored legal analysis for each company telling them all the violations they were taking part of by the very fact, according to international law, of engaging in a situation which is as unlawful as the one that Israel maintains in the occupied Palestinian territory – that the International Court of Justice has ordered Israel to dismantle, totally and unconditionally, dismantle the settlements, withdraw the troops and stop exploiting Palestinian natural resources, stop practicing racial discrimination and apartheid. This is the decision of the ICJ. 

In the face of this, in the face of criminal proceedings, in the face of proceedings for genocide, companies, entities that have stayed engaged have at least contributed not just to the violation of the self-determination of the Palestinian people and the perpetual occupation that Israel maintains on their land, but also other ancillary violations by being directly linked, contributing to, and even in certain cases, causing the human rights violations. 

Some of these violations, like extracting from the quarries in the West Bank as a German Heidelberg company has done, can amount to pillage. So, I've put everyone on notice from Booking.com, Google, Amazon, Palantir, Elbit. They could have responded. Some of them have: a small number, 18. The others have completely ignored my facts, all of my facts and legal analysis. 

The thing is that, you see, Glenn, my report has not been challenged substantively. It has given rise to a hurricane of aggravated violence against me, which is not new. I'm not new to this constant smear, defamation and reputational damage from the United States, which is unacceptable because I'm just a legal expert serving pro bono the United Nations. The U.S., as a member of the United Nations, should respect my work, should engage with my work, instead of engaging in senseless attacks. But all the more it's clear what is happening here. I've touched a nerve, a nerve that resonates with the Palestinians, that alerts consumers, that may ignite litigation, civil suits, and other criminal proceedings against these companies. 

Besides this, people understand that there is a direct link between the laboratory that Palestine has become at the end of decades of experimentation of all sorts of military, surveillance and other techniques by Israel that then have been marketed handsomely for, again, for decades and sold to all dictatorships first and foremost and many states as we speak. But also, people make a link between the profits that companies like Amazon or Airbnb make, including in the context of a genocide, and the profits that these companies make in our own system in Europe and elsewhere. So, these companies have become rights holders without corresponding obligation; it is the usual operating outside the law for those who detain power, where multinationals today hold more power than states and therefore more power than us. 

I understand why, Glenn, universities have cracked down so harshly on students, because the students have been the ones exposing their complicity with the military industry, their complicities with Israeli apartheid. The university realized, like the Technical University of Munich, that probably losing this partnership will cause its bankruptcy. So it was better to go harsh on the students. And this is what has led probably the United States administration to conclude that I'm a threat to a global economy because I'm provoking an awakening that has not been there before, through the tragedy of the Palestinians. 

G. Greenwald: Yeah, absolutely. First of all, so often the worst attacks on someone come not when they lie, but when they tell the truth, the truth that people want most to hide and I think that's happened repeatedly in our case. And I do think it's worth noting that there are very few people who have been the target of just a more systemic, organized, official smear campaign over the last almost two years now than you have been. I don't mean comments online, I mean very coordinated attacks from multiple governments led by Israel, led by the United States and now you have these sanctions. I don't know if you're under legal constraints in terms of what you can say about them, but can you talk to whatever extent you can about the effects that these sanctions are likely to have on you, your life, your finances, your travel, anything else? 

Francesca Albanese: Glenn, honestly, it's not even about legal restraints, is that, believe it or not, I've had very brief conversations both with my family and my legal advisors, because I've been busy traveling across Slovenia and now Bosnia. I need to pause and look at this. I need to let it sink in, because my reflex as a lawyer is the 1946 Convention on Private Privileges and Immunities prohibits the United States from doing what it's doing and would make total sense for me to start advocating so, a member state, any member state take the United States before the International Court of Justice because enough with this mafia-style, intimidation techniques. This is unsustainable, not just for me, but for the system. We need to protect the multilateral arena. We will miss human rights very much when we don't have them anymore. 

However, I've not done it again, probably because I'm really coming to terms with this, which is huge, but also, I don't want to distract anyone from member states to civil society from our priority, which is to stop the genocide in Gaza. 

I mean, yesterday, yes, I woke up to the news of the sanctions. I mean, I had heard about that and then I read the night before and then I needed to get some time to realize what it was. But then I had my cup of tea, I had my shower, I spoke with my kids and went on with my life. Well, again, dozens and dozens of Palestinians were killed yesterday alone. And this is every day in Gaza. People are being starved. I'm so exhausted to see the bodies of dying kids, starving kids in the arms of their moms. It's something that we cannot tolerate, we cannot, and I don't know what kind of monstrosity has infected all of us.

Right now, Glenn, what member states should be doing, especially those in the Mediterranean area, should send their navies with doctors, nurses, and real humanitarian aid, food, baby formula, medicines, everything that is needed for the Palestinians to overcome the current difficulty. It's a tragedy. And that thing that people call the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation is a death trap. And I do see the criminality in it. It looks like a joint criminal enterprise. And this must stop. So this is my priority. And no, I'm not even thinking of the sanctions and impact that they will have on me. This is the state I am in right now. 

G. Greenwald: I think a lot of people share your horror and almost the inability to express it in words at this point, anymore, not just what's happening there, but the way in which the world is not just standing by, but much of the Western world is funding and arming and enabling it. 

I just have a last question out of respect for your time, I know you have limited time because you're traveling. I do think it's so important that you mention that your background is in human rights law. That's when everything is steeped in. You're not talking out of ideology or politics, let alone antisemitism or anything else that you're accused of. And you used two words to describe Israel and what's happening, which is apartheid and genocide. And you're by far not the only person to use those words. High level Israeli officials have called what the Israeli treatment of Palestinians are as apartheid. Huge numbers of Israeli genocide experts have used genocide as the word. But, as somebody with the legal background and the international law background that you have, how do you understand those two terms briefly, and why do you think they apply to Israel's treatment of the Palestinians – apartheid and genocide? 

Francesca Albanese: Look, Palestine for me has been such a learning environment also to connect the dots and break the walls or the silos that contain the legal knowledge. You know that in our field, you have specialized human rights lawyers or international humanitarian law experts or genocide experts. Well, Palestine allows you in real time to understand it all.

Taking the land and the resources from people, forcibly displace them, this is the essence of settler colonialism. Israel has used as other settler colonial endeavors, think of South Africa, but also think of Algeria, think of other places where colonialism has been accompanied by the transfer of civilians from the metropolis from another place by apartheid. Apartheid is an institutionalized system of racial segregation entailing inhumane acts and we cannot claim that we have had a system in the history of settler colonialism that was not apartheid. South Africa has given us the term apartheid, but apartheid is everywhere. There is a legal dualism that then reflects in policy and practices in a given country, place, state among citizens, distinguishing them and separating them according to racial lines. And Israel does it. It does it inside Israel, because Palestinians have Israeli citizenship, but they have less rights, but it does so, especially in the occupied Palestinian territory. Israeli settlers have been under Israeli civil law and Palestinians are under Israeli military rule, military orders, draconian military orders written by soldiers, enforced by soldiers and reviewed in military courts, including for children. By soldiers. 

Genocide, I've realized throughout history, genocide is the intentional destruction of a group as such in its essence and can take place through acts of killing, but not exclusively. There are genocides that have been committed exclusively through creating the conditions of life calculated to destroy and also the separation of children, but also another act of genocide is the severe bodily and mental harm. And I would like to see who today can keep on claiming, I mean, anyone with a grain of decency, that what happens is not a genocide. 

However, settler colonialism carries inside the dormant gene of genocide in its legal sense, which is a very restrictive sense, because genocide as it has been conceived also includes cultural elements which are not protected under the definition of the crime. And look, eventually from Srebrenica and from Sarajevo, I can tell you it takes time. There will be one day where everyone, as an illustrious Palestinian writer has said, everyone will have been against it. Tonight, it's very heavy to carry this responsibility together with many others, like Amnesty International, the Palestinians, first and foremost, Israeli scholars who have denounced the genocide. It's very hard to carry this responsibility of chroniclers of the genocide, who are also trying to stop it with all their might and here we are, facing sanctions because of this. 

G. Greenwald: Yeah, well, I had the opportunity to tell you privately, personally, I'm going to tell you again that I think the work you're doing is incredibly courageous. It merits immense amounts of respect and admiration. I know you're not doing it for that reason, but the fact that you're facing so many reprisals and attacks, I think, is a testament to the efficacy of your work, and I don't even need to say I hope you keep going because I know that you will. And we will certainly continue to follow anything that's being done to you, but also the work that you're doing and we hope to talk to you again. Thanks so much for taking the time to speak with us today. 

Francesca Albanese: Thank you, Glenn. May I add something? I would not be me if I didn't do that. It's true that these sanctions hit hard, but I would also spend one second to reflect on and to thank all those who have stood against this, have spoken against this, from special procedures inside the U.N., U.N. officials and the European Union and so many others, so many scholars, organizations, this is incredible. And so, it seems that while, yes, there are chosen victims of constant attacks and defamation, there is also a society that through this constant victimization, which is first and foremost of the Palestinians, not myself, but are waking up and I hope that this awakening will soon allow us to stand together and united against the monstrosity of our time. Thank you very much for having me and the respect and admiration is absolutely mutual Glenn. Thank you. 

G. Greenwald: Thank you, really appreciate it. 

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We are always excited to do the Q&A session where we get questions from our Locals members that we do our best to answer in depth and as many as we can on our Friday night Q&A show. As usual, there's a wide range of questions that have been asked, always quite probing, starting with @Estimarpet who asked:

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We did a whole show on Trump's condemnation of Brazil for its attacks on free speech, which we have repeatedly documented, as well as what he regards as this persecution of the former president, Jair Bolsonaro, who faces multiple criminal charges and had already been declared ineligible to run in 2026 and 2030. There is a criminal charge against him for planning or conspiring to implement a coup to prevent Lula from returning to power after he won the 2022 election. It was a coup plan that was never actually done, but they claim that he participated in conspiring and plotting that and it's before the Supreme Court, a five-judge panel on the Supreme Court. 

Bolsonaro’s conviction is basically inevitable, given who the judges are, including Alexandre de Moraes, who's made it his personal mission in life to destroy the Bolsonaro movement through censorship and imprisonment, as well as Lula's personal attorney, who defended Lula when he was facing corruption charges, who then Lula put on the Supreme Court, and also Lula’s Justice Minister who was very loyal to Lula and Lula also put him on the Supreme Court. So, there are three judges right there who it's almost impossible to imagine that they would ever exonerate Bolsonaro and he's likely to face prison time. As a result of his conviction, Lula himself, of course was in prison for one year and eight months for an 11-year corruption conviction that he received that was nullified to allow him to run in 2022, with the reporting we did about the corruption of the anti-corruption probe as the pretext, but it was really because the Supreme Court wanted him released, knowing that he was the only person who could beat Bolsonaro when he ran for a re-election. And Lula did win that election by a tiny margin. 

Trump first issued a statement condemning Brazil for its persecution of Bolsonaro, for its attacks on free speech, and Lula, was hosting the BRICS Summit in Rio de Janeiro, which seems to be what really caught Trump's attention on Brazil: he hates BRICS. He regards it as what it is, which is an anti-American competitor. I don't mean anti-American in a malicious sense. I just mean they're there to form an alternative alliance to American hegemony. He said it's anti-American, that it needs to be attacked and any country associated with it will be subject to sanctions. 

Lula then basically came out and said, “This is beneath the dignity of any world leader to threaten countries on social media; it really doesn't deserve a reply.” But he basically waved the flag of sovereignty, saying, “Trump needs to realize the world has changed. We don't want an emperor. We don't have emperors anymore.” And then in response, Trump the next day announced 50% tariff on Brazil, higher than on any country thus far, which he justified based on both an appeal to individual rights and Bolsonaro's political rights, but also a claim that Brazil has been practicing unfair trade practices, even though the U.S. has a multibillion-dollar surplus with Brazil. The U.S. doesn't have a trade deficit with Brazil, but a multibillion-dollar surplus, but Trump has to invoke that rationale as well to justify the tariffs.

Lula immediately, and I think predictably, seized on this announcement in order to wave the banner of sovereignty, to say the only people who should decide Brazil's internal affairs are Brazilians. “We're a sovereign country. We're not going to be threatened or dictated to by some other country.” 

There's some lingering resentment about the role the United States has played in Brazil as the massive superpower in the region. Brazil is the second-largest country in the hemisphere. Brazil has always been very important. In 1964, the CIA perceived that the elected government of Brazil was leaning a little bit too far to the left and this was the Cold War, when any left-wing policies were viewed as aligning with Moscow and communists. The Kennedy administration warned the elected Brazilian president that things like rent control or land distribution were unacceptable to Washington. When he continued, based on sovereignty arguments, to pursue those policies on which he ran, during the Johnson administration, the CIA worked with right-wing generals in Brazil to engineer a military coup that overthrew the elected government and imposed a military dictatorship that governed Brazil with an iron fist for the next 21 years. So, anything about U.S. interference in Brazil still resonates with huge numbers of people.

The U.S. is a crucial commercial trading partner with Brazil. The U.S. does sell a lot to Brazil, but Brazil sells a huge amount to the U.S., second only to China in the amount of their exports. They have commodities like coffee, they have equipment for aviation, they have a lot of oil, and other things that the U.S. can't produce and has been buying it in very large amounts, and obviously, 50% tariffs are going to make it much more difficult to sell in the U.S. market. You can just buy those same products from some other country that's not subject to 50% tariffs. 

There's a lot of concern inside Brazil that this is going to impose economic suffering on Brazilians, which it likely will. And there is a big part of the media that hates Bolsonaro. Lula and the government want to blame this on Bolsonaro and they have a reasonable foundation to blame Bolsonaro for this, which is that Bolsonaro's allies, including Jair Bolsonaro's son, Eduardo Bolsonaro, who's a member of Congress, an elected member of Congress, a few months ago announced a leave of absence from the Brazilian Congress and he's in the United States, where he's been working with members of Congress and the executive branch. What they really wanted were sanctions imposed on the notorious member of the Supreme Court, Alexandre de Moraes, who has been overseeing the censorship scheme. The argument is they're censoring not just Brazilian companies but American companies. Rumble is not allowed in Brazil because of its refusal to accept censorship orders. X was banned from Brazil for more than a month. When X didn't have assets in Brazil to pay the fines, Moraes just ordered that money be seized from Starlink’s accounts to pay for X fines on the grounds that they're both associated with Elon Musk, even though they're different corporations. So, there have been a lot of abuses. 

Moraes is also now overseeing the trial. He's overseeing investigation and then the trial of Bolsonaro and many Bolsonaro officials and associates as well. He wants to imprison them. So the Bolsonaro family was hoping to get personal sanctions imposed on Moraes and others on the Supreme Court and in the government, and all these sanctions were approved by all the relevant agencies, including the State Department, by Marco Rubio. Instead, Trump, at the last minute, decided he wanted to have a more flamboyant gesture, something he thought was even more punishing than sanctions, which was a 50% tariff on Brazil. 

Sanctions are targeted against very specific officials and can really make their life difficult – I mean, as we discussed with Francesca Albanese, the sanctions on her can affect their use of credit cards, their bank accounts and their ability to transfer assets. It's all based on the dollars, the reserve currency. It's one of the reasons why BRICS and a lot of other countries are working hard to overthrow the dollar as the reserve currency, because of the massive power it gives the United States to do things like sanctioning people they dislike, who defy it, countries they dislike and defy it. But that would have hurt only the officials. No one would have really cared. They would have still waived the sovereignty banner, but since most people aren't affected by it, it wouldn't have had much political weight. 

The group was not really asking for tariffs. That's what Trump decided to do. And Bolsonaro and associates can't really object or criticize Trump since that was Trump's intervention nominally on behalf of Bolsonaro. I really think Trump was more motivated by a desire to punish Brazil for BRICS, but he did it under the banner of defending Bolsonaro's political rights and persecution, defending free speech in Brazil that has been largely directed at Bolsonaro. 

So, there was no way for Bolsonaro's movement to object to what Trump did. They couldn't denounce Trump. He's one of their most important allies. But it's not really what they wanted, precisely because there's now a good argument to make that, because of Bolsonaro's activism, asking Trump to punish Brazil on his behalf, whatever economic suffering accrues in Brazil now will be the fault of Bolsonaro and his movement. And you have the massive media organizations like Globo and other massive organizations. They've always been dominant in Brazil. They were allies of the dictatorship for a long time, wherever power is. They've become less powerful because of the internet, which is why there's so much focus on Brazil censoring the internet. Globo itself is a big supporter of that. But still, they wield a lot of influence and they've been just nonstop bombarding the airwaves about Trump's attack on Brazil, his invasion of their sovereignty, how Brazilians have to unify under the Brazilian flag in the name of Brazilian sovereignty. 

It's a human instinct to defend one’s tribe. It's the same if a country gets attacked by an external force, no matter how much they hate the government, people are going to unify in the name of their tribe, in the name of their country. We saw that in Iran, where a lot of people who had been vehement opponents of the Iranian government suddenly lined up behind it against Israel because Israel was bombarding their country. We saw it after 9/11 when 50% of the country hated George W. Bush, thought he stole the 2000 election and after 9/11, his approval rating skyrocketed to 90%. When a country is attacked by an external power, nothing unifies the people behind the government more and Lula has become quite unpopular, his government is quite unpopular. He's now in his third term, not consecutive, but third term, running for a fourth term. He'll be 80 next year when he runs for reelection. So, asking the people to make him president until he's 84 years old. He's definitely a very vulnerable incumbent. And they believe, and I think most politicians would believe, that this can be employed against not just Trump, but his allies, the Bolsonaro movement, who they're going to claim engineered this in order to convince people that they should unite behind Lula, who's defending Brazilian sovereignty, the right of Brazil to determine its own affairs. 

What the Brazilian government seems to be banging on, and its allies in the media, of which there are many, is that well, no, in this case, it won't be Lula who will be blamed for the economic suffering that results from these terrorists, but they'll be able to successfully blame it on Bolsonaro and his movement for having induced it, asked Trump for it, etc. I’m not convinced of that at all. I mean, I get that that's the overwhelming media narrative now, and might be for the next couple of weeks, but economic deprivation over the next, say, 14 months until the 2026 election, 15 months, is going to be much more diffuse than that. It's not going to have this proximity to the story. And there's already a pretty widespread unpopularity toward Lula for a whole bunch of reasons, including economic suffering. And I guess it remains to be seen what political effects this will have. 

I do think there are a lot of other things worth asking here about why the United States and Trump. Why is it their place to dictate to other countries what kind of human rights or freedom of expression protections they're supposed to have? Can't help but notice that Trump loves a lot of countries far more dictatorial than the Brazilian government, no matter how authoritarian you think Brazil has become, and I think it has become quite authoritarian. It's kind of difficult to watch Trump herald the governments of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, United Emirates, Jordan, Egypt, and then suddenly be like, “Oh, we're punishing Brazil because we're so offended by their lawfare and their attacks on free speech.” When you're in bed with and love some of the most brutal dictatorships on the planet, which has been U.S. foreign policy forever, there’s a lot of stuff like that, to say nothing of Trump's own free speech attacks on people who criticize Israel and the like. 

But as far as the political question is concerned, I'm sure there's going to be a rallying around the flag effect. There is already, I think you can see that, at least at the elite level, kind of among the middle class. But that's a lot different than saying that 15 months from now people are massively out of jobs or paying higher prices, suffering inflation, that they're still going to remember to somehow blame Bolsonaro for that, who hasn't been in power for four years, might even be in prison by then, as opposed to blaming Lula's government. I think they're being a little too clever. 

I certainly know very smart people here in Brazil who believe it's going to help the Lula government, not just now, but for the long term. I guess we'll see. With these kinds of things, the political effects of things, I think it's always very difficult to predict with precision. You have to understand how people think, what information they're consuming. I think we've seen in a lot of democracies, certainly including the U.S., that elite opinion no longer dictates the opinion of the masses. And I think similar dynamics are at play in Brazil. 

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All right., next question is @ButchieOD: 

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I know there are people who think this is not a very important story. Maybe I think it's a more important story because as I think most of you know, I follow tennis very closely. I always have. I play a lot of tennis. It's sort of a sport that I value, that I respect. But I also think even if that's not the case, we don't care about tennis, which is fine, a lot of people don't, it's still an interesting story about how the billionaire mind works and how billionaire power is exerted. 

So, the gist of the story is this: Bill Ackman is a multibillionaire, vulture, finance person who does things like talks down American stocks and then short sells them. He's made billions of dollars not by producing anything of value just by manipulating numbers like Wall Street does oftentimes harming the country. This is where his wealth comes from. He's not Jeff Bezos, who at least produced Amazon and for all the criticism of him, he actually produced something that people use. That's not Bill Ackman. 

Bill Ackman is not only a multibillionaire, but he’s also become particularly more prominent in the last couple of years because he's a fanatical supporter of Israel. He led the campaign to make lists of students at colleges, I'm talking about undergraduates, 18 to 22-year-olds who signed petitions or letters condemning Israel for its war on Gaza. He organized a blacklist of major finance firms and venture capital firms and Wall Street banks and major law firms to agree that they would refuse to hire anyone who is on these lists, trying to make them jobless, basically, for the crime of criticizing a foreign country for which he has great affection, to put it generously, toward which he has supreme loyalty, to put more accurately. And he actually is a tennis fan. He plays a lot of tennis as well. He follows tennis. He actually pours money into professional tennis and he goes to a lot of tournaments. It's just one of the things he likes to do as a billionaire. But he went far beyond that. 

This week, there was an actual professional tournament. It wasn't a ProAm where amateurs come and get to play with pros the way they have in golf sometimes. It was an actual ATP tournament where professional tennis players go. To make matters worse, it's held at the Tennis Hall of Fame. It's supposed to be like sacred ground. The Hall of Fame is there to kind of preserve the most sacred moments in tennis, to honor the people who have achieved the most by admitting them into the Hall of Fame. They have one tournament every year, that's a professional ATP-level tournament, but right before that, in Houston, Rhode Island, in Newport, they have an APT Challenger event, which is kind of like the minor league, sort of like analogous to Triple A in baseball, where it's the kind of up-and-coming players. They're not among the 100 best, but they're kind of in the top 200 or 300. Extremely good. I mean, if you're the 200th best tennis player on the planet, you're extremely good. It's what you do for your work. But a lot of these are younger players, they come from poor countries, they have trouble sustaining themselves economically, and these kinds of tournaments are what they play in to earn some money, but also to make their way up the rankings. It's a serious professional tennis tournament, with a lot at stake for a lot of people. 

Somehow, Bill Ackman wormed his way into having the tournament accept his entry to play as though he were a professional tennis player. It was doubles. He was playing with a doubles partner. And this doubles partner used to be a big tennis star, Jack Sock. He hasn't actually played. He retired from tennis. He now plays pickleball. He's very good. He's a great doubles player. He's won Grand Slam titles in doubles. I'm sure he was paid. He didn't just show up out of benevolence and nobody knows what exactly the arrangement was that induced this tournament to degrade itself by allowing Bill Ackman at the age of 59 to play. But they did, and it was a professional doubles match.  

And Bill Ackman's like a decent player. He is somebody who plays at a tennis club. I'm sure he's taken lessons from some of the best pros. When you have unlimited money, I'm sure that's what he's done. But he's not impressive at all in his tennis abilities. To say nothing of the fact that he's 59 years old. These are all 23-year-olds, 26-year-olds, like the most precisely trained athletes on the planet. And there was Ackman on a court taking somebody else's position and his level of play was so abysmal, so pathetic, I mean, just like, taking balls that are so easy to return and just smacking them into the net or well out of the court, many, many feet out of court, constantly double faulting, couldn't even get a serve in, that for whatever reasons, and I think it's interesting to ask why, the three other players on the quarter who are professionals started to like baby him. They were kind of just hitting the softest balls possible directly to him to try to help him avoid embarrassment, to stroke his ego. I don't know what their motives were, I don't know why they didn't just say, if he wants to play, let him play and we'll smash balls at his face the way they would do to anybody else. So the whole thing ended up being a complete joke. I mean, it just made a complete mockery, a farce out of a professional tennis match. 

Again, if you don't care about tennis, maybe that doesn't bother you. Everybody who cares about tennis was disgusted by this, was horrified by it. It would kind of be like if the triple-A team of the Seattle Mariners, which is the minor league team right below the major leagues – where people who are about to get into the major league are trying to show their skills to get into the major leagues of baseball, people who have spent their whole lives playing baseball, learning baseball, training baseball, they get to that professional level – it'd be like if the Seattle Mariners announced, “Oh, we're going to have one of our starting pitchers be Bill Gates at the age of 63 because he loves baseball.” Never played professionally, just kind of likes to throw the ball around and they just put Bill Gates on the mound in the middle of a real sanctioned Major League Baseball game, just because he's a billionaire and greased whatever wheels he greased and then he just kind of got up there, pawed it up there, couldn't throw the ball to the catcher, like made everything a joke. 

Obviously, the fact that Bill Ackman is a billionaire makes it all the more tawdry, because obviously, there's a lot to do with his vast wealth and the power that comes with it that he exploited to put himself into that position. Just imagine that narcissism, and the need for ego gratification, that you have to have to subject yourself to that. So here's some video of Bill Ackman, I guess. You could call it playing. He's the one dressed in all white. So you can recognize him in just like a series of, not just errors, everybody makes errors when they play tennis, even Roger Federer, Novak Djokovic or Serena Williams, but just like the kind of errors that no pro would ever make, just not even one of them, let alone all of them. 

Video. Bill Ackman. 

You see, the players were laughing in his face. Having watched a good part of this match, I can tell you this was not cherry-picked; this was very illustrative and it was shocking to watch. As I said, everyone in tennis, former players, current players, tennis writers, tennis journalists, column after column, were expressing sickness, disgust and rage. 

Leaving the tennis part aside, we talked about this on the last show, actually, when somebody asked about Peter Thiel's interview with Ross Douthat, where Peter Thiel basically said, when asked if he believes in the continuation or survival of humanity, he had a great deal of difficulty answering yes, and kind of resorted to this deranged transhumanistic vision, at most, that he was willing to say, yes, I think humanity should survive, but in radically altered form. And we talked then about the mentality of billionaires, and I've never had anything to do with billionaires until maybe, I don't know, a decade ago, a little bit more. My first real experience was when I founded The Intercept with Pierre Omidyar, the multibillionaire founder of eBay, who ended up buying PayPal. Honestly, Pierre Omidyar, as billionaires go, is as good as it gets: he kind of withdrew from Silicon Valley, moved his family away from Silicon Valley to an isolated place in Hawaii just so his kids would grow up more normally. He did have like a few years where he was a little bit in the spotlight because he was funding media outlets like The Intercept and other groups, but he's kind of retreated since. He tries to be as humble as possible, but I noticed from the beginning, we knew we purposely formed The Intercept with people who were as anti-authoritarian as possible who were as undeferential to prestige and position as power, and just automatically he would walk in the room – and just like kind of the power and wealth that he has; it's not just wealth, it's wealth that is larger than what small nations have and the amount of power that comes with that – I just watched people naturally become almost sycophantic around him and he was always the center of attention. And of course, he comes with a big team of yes-men and sycophants who are just constantly flattering and bolstering everybody that he has. Like I said, he's as good as it gets. He tries to create a more normal, natural environment, but it's impossible. When you have that level of wealth, multiple 747 jets that you and your family constantly fly on, just buying whatever you want and influencing nations because of your wealth, it does distort the human mind. And if you listen to people like Mark Zuckerberg and Peter Thiel and, to some extent, Elon Musk, they talk about themselves as kind of like the Übermensch, to use a Nietzschean term, like this kind of species of humans that have evolved beyond normal humanity, almost to like a TD type figure. 

That's how they see themselves, that's how other people see them, and so every idea that enters their head, every thought that emanates from their mouth, is constantly subject to reinforcement and flattery, and they believe in their own genius, they believe in their power to do essentially everything. Even though, so many of them, as I've described before – I've gotten to know many more than Pierre – are mediocre or, like, at best, they have an Idiot Savant skill, some coding thing that they were able to create, something and they created it at the right time or might even get like managers of a business. But none of that remotely means they have wisdom or insight about philosophy, science, or political issues, the way they attribute to themselves. They believe they're kind of just all floating – Übermensch, is the best way I can describe it. 

To put yourself in such an embarrassing position where you become the focus of attention in the most negative way possible, where at the age of almost 60, who never even got close to a level of professional tennis, you decide that you're going to insinuate yourself into a professional match, take someone else's position that, like I said, that could have had that position to earn money and rankings, and just believe that you deserve to be on that court, that you belong on that court, the hubris of it – I don't know if you ever noticed, but every time Bill Ackman posts a tweet, it can't be just a tweet. It's like a proclamation, like a dissertation, extremely edited and has the language of a decree. That's the byproduct of self-importance that comes from being a billionaire. He really believes that every utterance, every desire, has to be immediately honored. It's kind of like people who get massive fame and wealth at a very young age, child stars and the like, or heirs to fortunes. Almost always, it is extremely corrupting of mental health, of the ability to understand and relate to the world, to think of yourself in some kind of like remotely humble way. 

Watching Bill Ackman just try to glorify himself as a professional tennis player, have this fantasy and use my wealth to make it a reality in front of everybody... He did have to write a tweet where he kind of swallowed a lot of the criticism. Heather Crowe was very humble and said, "Oh, I'm so much better a player than this usually, but I just couldn't. I was too nervous. My arm didn't work. I couldn't breathe. I was suffused with anxiety and neurosis." It is a real professional tournament. They should have said no. I mean, they want to build tennis as a real sport. It's the fourth-largest sport in the world. And again, it would be like Bill Gates stumbling onto the field and being like, yeah, I want to be the quarterback for a quarter in an NFL game. It's like, the NFL would never allow that. No one would, I mean, it would be the most pathetic thing to watch. That's what this was. And again, even if you don't care about tennis, I think billionaire wealth and the billionaire mindset are really worth understanding. And this gives a pretty vibrant look inside that very, very toxic swamp. 

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Speaking of toxic swamps, we have a question from @QuillDagg. He's not the toxic swamp! It's a question about Sam Harris. And it reads this:

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All right, so some of you may remember this, some may not know, but when I was at The Guardian, and this was April 2013, it was like three months before the Snowden reporting began, I wrote an article on Sam Harris because this is when the new atheist movement was kind of at its peak. 

I didn't pay a lot of attention to it. Atheism is not anything that's ever bothered me. I used to identify as an atheist when I was young. I only don't know now, because I believe in not some organized religious concept of a god, like a Christian god, or a Muslim god, or a Jewish god, whatever, but just in forces larger than ourselves that play a role in how the universe unfolds. But it became a very popular, especially online, but even offline, a popular movement which had a huge following. 

They called themselves the “Four Horsemen,” the four leaders of this movement: Richard Dawkins, Christopher Hitchens, Sam Harris, and Daniel Dennett. There's a gigantic following, and in Sam Harris's case, it wasn't just an expression of religious conviction or atheistic advocacy. He commandeered it for blatantly political ends. Sam Harris is Jewish, and he, you'd think, as an atheist, would have contempt for religions equally. And he very conspicuously had contempt for one religion, in particular, you’ll never guess which one: Islam. He also had harsh criticism for Christianity, like Christopher Hitchens did and Richard Dawkins did, and he had very, very, very, conspicuously few criticisms of Judaism. 

But also, it just so happened that all of his political views perfectly aligned with the kind of views someone would have if they were devoted to Israel. Namely, he was a big supporter of the War on Terror. He used to write articles like the Huffington Post, like “Are there good justifications for torture?” clearly intending to remove the taboo for torture, but since he never came out and said I'm pro-torture, just saying here's all the reasons why torture might be justified, if you said “Oh, he wrote a pro-torture article,” he says: “How dare you distort what I said?” 

But everything about U.S. foreign policy from a neocon perspective, Sam Harris was commandeering his supposed new atheism to fuel, and he did it from this position, like, I'm a liberal. My new atheism comes from my liberalism. I hate Islam because it doesn't respect women's rights and gay rights, etc., etc. And it commandeered a lot of liberals into this political agenda; the atheism was kind of like the candy offered at the playground. But the politics were what happened once you lure the kid into the car. And so many liberals thought they were being taught this like very rational, anti-tribalist philosophy, when in fact, at least from Sam Harris' perspective, nothing could have been more tribalistic. 

And he had a podcast about why I don't criticize Israel. But hey, wow, what a coincidence. Here you have a state explicitly constructed around religious identity, the Jewish state, or ethnic tribes that are adjacent to religious identity, Judaism, like the living embodiment of what you're supposed to be against, if you take anything that you're saying seriously. And he'd always talk about the IDF as the most moral army in the world, he talked about why he doesn't criticize Israel and he would somehow try to reconcile his support for Israel. Again, an ethno-religious state based on the supremacy of one particular sectarian faction, Jews, with his posturing as someone who's so rising above it, just a vessel of objectivity, no allegiance to tribe or religious identity or identity politics. He hates all that and yet, noticeably not only would refrain from criticizing Judaism and Israel, even if it was bashing particularly Islam, but Christianity as well, but every other view that he had about bombing, about enemies, it all aligned with what you would expect a standard neocon to believe in and to disseminate and defend. 

Writing this article, I kind of dissected what were the obvious inconsistencies in the new ideas movement as expressed at least by Sam Harris and for suggesting that what he was saying was his worldview was not his worldview, it was a facade in disguise to mask what the real worldview was, that was actually the exact opposite of what he claiming he was, Sam Harris went on a jihad against me that lasted years. Actually, to this day, when my name comes up, he'll just explode and I'm the worst person ever to exist in media. I mean, he pretty much has that with every single person who disagrees with him. He once went on Ezra Klein's podcast, the most anodyne, restrained person in media, practically, tries very hard never to engage in vituperative exchanges or harsh criticism, unlike myself, and he came out of that accusing Ezra, kind of criticizing him in bad faith, distorting all his words. 

And this went on for years with him, just because of that one article. And obviously, I repeatedly defended my views of Sam Harris. But at some point, I just decided he really wasn't worth it any longer. I said what I had to say. He just continued to go on so many shows. You can find him talking about me for years and years and years for that. 

So, Sam Harris has lost a lot of his following. But not all of it. He mostly became this sort of obsessively anti-Trump and obsessively pro-establishment, which didn't surprise me in the least. He was contemptuous of anybody questioning any of the orthodoxies around COVID. He despises Trump. He turned against all the Silicon Valley friends that he used to have, including Elon, as well as people like Joe Rogan, because they were questioning establishment dogma or not seeing Trump as Hitler the way he saw them. 

He had one very notorious clip in 2020, after it became obvious that the media had lied by saying the Hunter Biden laptop was Russian disinformation, and he basically said, “I consider Trump so blatantly evil and so inferior morally and ethically to Democrats that the most important thing is to stop him. And if that means that somebody lied to do it, I really am not bothered by it. I think it's justifiable. The means justify the end of destroying Trump.” Of course, he denies that's what he said. Everybody can listen to the video. It's exactly what he said. 

As a result, he's lost a big part of his following because even though he claimed to be a liberal, a lot of them were right-wing, a lot of them were just mostly motivated by his contempt for Islam. At one point, he was on Bill Maher with Ben Affleck, who attacked him, quite eloquently actually. But Sam said something like Islam is the mother of all bad ideas. He's supposed to be an atheist, supposed to have contempt for all religions, but no, Islam, for by a huge coincidence, happened to be the one that Sam Harris hated most. A lot of people who were anti-Muslim more than they were anything else found him very appealing. 

Coincidentally, he comes from an extremely wealthy family. His mother was the creator, showrunner and screenwriter of multiple successful shows, including The Golden Girls and Soap – and by the way, Soap is actually a very risqué, but, I thought, very good show in the late 1970s, early 1980s, way ahead of its time. But it's discovered Bill Kristol. Anyway, he comes from a very wealthy, prominent family as well. He kind of has that mindset and the last thing I'll say before showing you this video, which kind of is him finally confessing who he really is, in a way that was just so satisfied to watch him do, is that somehow he's also like, in the intervals, where he's not like screaming at everybody and expressing grievances toward everybody and accusing everybody of being a bad faith attacker of him and spewing contempt for everybody and being filled with resentment and grievance, he somehow also presents himself as a meditation guru. 

He does these videos where he teaches people how to breathe and relax and expel tension and stay in the present. I'm a big believer in meditation and yoga, I believe it, but I've never honestly heard anything less relaxing in my life than Sam Harris' voice. Like even when he's telling you “close your eyes,” “release all tension,” “focus on your breathing,” his voice still sounds so filled with hatred and resentment and anger and grievance that I can't imagine anyone relaxing in any way by listening to Sam Harris' voice. I mean, I don't know. I'd rather listen to Laura Loomer talking about Israel and Palestine to relax than listen to Sam Harris telling me how to breathe. But anyway, there are a lot of people who listen to his meditation videos as well. 

So here's a YouTube show called JewishUncensored, which appears on YouTube. It's hosted by an Orthodox Jew who's an extreme supporter of Israel as well. And he basically says, “Hey, guys, I want to show you Sam Harris talking about Israel and Zionism, because it's remarkable to hear him saying what he says here. Listen to this. 

Video. Sam Harris, JewishUncensored, YouTube. July 6, 2025.

Out of bullshit, you could not say that before October 7, he was not a Zionist. He never once expressed opposition to Zionism and, in fact, he realizes that that claim was totally baseless. And he goes on to describe what he actually said and thought about Israel and Zionism before October 7. Remember, he just said, “I think one of the biggest plagues of the world is sectarianism.” Israel is nothing but, whether you love it or not, a sectarian state. It's called the Jewish state. That's what Zionism is. It guarantees the supremacy of Jews within the state. You cannot reconcile love of Israel and support for Zionism, on the one hand, with your view that sectarianism is the greatest evil on the other. They're completely antithetical. He's basically saying, I believe sectarianism is the great evil, except I have exceptions for my principles, that's called Israel and Zionism. Shockingly, that just so happens to be my own group for which I've made an exception, but it's totally coincidental. I'm extremely objective. I rise above tribalism's pure coincidence. 

He's now trying to suggest, oh, I was an anti-Zionist before October 7, October 7 showed me the virgin. He was always a Zionist. And he even says it right there. He just claims, back then, “I was kind of reluctant.” Like, I hesitated. I realized that it was a complete contradiction of everything I pretended to believe in. But I nonetheless defended it, but with reluctance. 

“The seeming contradiction,” it's just for you idiots out there, for you intellectual mediocre, it may seem like it's a contradiction on the one hand to go around accusing everybody of destroying humanity because of sectarian allegiances, and then at the same time defending a state of Israel based on a philosophy, a new philosophy called Zionism, that's nothing other than a country formed based on sectarian identity and sectarian allegiance. And sectarian superiority. It may seem like there's a contradiction there, to you idiots, even though I think more deeply, so I understand why it's not a contradiction. And then he goes on for this. 

For a long time, in conservative discourse, even more in centrist discourse, there grew a lot of frustration and ultimately contempt for victimhood narratives. Black people saying, “We've been uniquely victimized, so we deserve these special protections,” Latinos saying, “We're uniquely victimize, we have to migrate, we deserve the special protections,” women saying they've been uniquely victimized throughout the ages and they deserve special protections, gay people, trans people, Muslims, all of whom have a version of history based in some truth that they faced extreme amounts of discrimination, oppression and other forms of bigotry and therefore merit special protection. 

We seem to have arrived at this consensus, especially after the excesses of Me Too and the Black Lives Matter movement, that we've gone way too far in that direction. A lot of these historic bigotries and repression aren't nearly as strong as they've been. They've made a lot of progress from them. There's still lingering effects of them, but we've made allot of progress and maybe the best way to move forward isn't to keep reinforcing them by dividing everybody up into groups and treating them differently based on their race or gender, sexual identity, or religion, or instead, just say, you know what, we're all actually the same, and we're going to work to make sure the treatment of everybody is the same but not endlessly treat people differently by emphasizing their divisions based on these demographic characteristics. That was certainly a unifying view of the right, without doubt. 

And yet, so many people claim that Sam Harris is one of them. Or like, you know what? There's one group and only one group that has a meritorious claim to that self-victimhood defense and that just so happens to be Jews, which a lot of people, creating that exception, happen to be, coincidentally. Like, hey, you know what? I can't stand victimhood narratives for any other group. It's totally whiny and snowflake behavior, all fabricated. It’s time to buckle up and stop being so frightened and demanding safety with your little blanket and your therapy dogs. But my group, that's the real one that's discriminating against. 

So that's what you heard the host of the show say. It's like, yes, Sam Harris is finally realizing, everybody hates us. That guy hates us, that guy hates us, antisemitism is everywhere and we, alone, are entitled to form sectarian allegiance based on our sectarian religious identity. Nobody else is, but we are. And Sam Harris is Jewish, he was raised Jewish, and he wants you to believe it's a coincidence that he's finally at the point in middle age where he's willing to admit every principle that I've said that I have, every principle in which I've built my career, every principle that supposedly defined my brand, that made me rich, that created a huge following ring, I want you to know I subordinate all of these principles, I have a huge exception to all of them called Israel and Zionism. 

I'll tell you one of the things I hate most about Sam Harris, the reason why I believe he deserves a particular level of disgust. I can have a certain baseline respect for people who have whatever views they have, even if I find them repellent, who are honest about those views, who don't hide them, who don't pretend that they have an agenda that's different from their actual agenda, whose expressed values and beliefs are actually their values and beliefs, and they're willing to stand up and defend it. Sam Harris is one of the most blatant, brazen frauds ever to present himself as a public intellectual. 

I mean, as I said 12 years ago, I wrote that article based on exposing this entire sham that what Sam Harris claimed his driving force was had nothing to do with his actual agenda or his set of beliefs. And it was the fact that he would deny that – and not just deny it, but accuse anybody who saw it, of being a liar, a bad faith fabulist, someone deliberately distorting his so-clear words because what he feared the most was having people understand what his real agenda was. He's just a standard Jewish neocon who loves Israel and forms his worldview based on that, which is fine.  There are a lot of people in every group who do that. There are people who are Black, who form their worldview based on their membership as a Black person, who see the world through the historical victimhood of Black people or women who do that, or gay people who do, or Muslim people, that's fine, that is in every group. But it was his constant, endless insistence that there's no tribalism to him, there's no sectarianism to him, he hates those things, he rises above it, he's just an objective atheist that lured so many people into his little web. Then, once they got there, they were fed something completely different than what had been promised. And here he is finally admitting it. 

I really think that the person that you should be most wary of is not a person with one particular ideology or the other. Obviously, there are a lot of people who are honest about their views and I find those views repellent but the person I find meriting the most amount of legitimate contempt, disrespect, and discredit are those who are too cowardly to admit what they really think or too conniving and manipulative to admit it. And Sam Harris is the vintage case of somebody who's all of those things. And to watch him just so casually admit that everything he's been saying for his whole life is a huge fraud because he has a gigantic exception to all of it, based on special prerogatives and rights that extend to his group, but to no other, as discussing as it is, it is kind of cathartic as well to have forever Sam Harris's agenda laid bare for all of the world to see in his own words. 

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Game of Thrones Actor Liam Cunningham on Gaza Activism and UK Censorship; Journalist Zaid Jilani on Mamdani, Epstein, the State of the Dems and More
System Update #484

The following is an abridged transcript from System Update’s most recent episode. You can watch the full episode on Rumble or listen to it in podcast form on Apple, Spotify, or any other major podcast provider.  

System Update is an independent show free to all viewers and listeners, but that wouldn’t be possible without our loyal supporters. To keep the show free for everyone, please consider joining our Locals, where we host our members-only aftershow, publish exclusive articles, release these transcripts, and so much more!

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There are times when we cannot cover everything that is going on that we think deserves attention, and one of the ways we try to rectify that is to bring on guests who we believe are highly informed, engaging and provocative. We have two guests tonight for you who are most certainly all of those things. 

The first is Liam Cunningham, who is the long-time working Irish actor likely best known for his central role as Davod Seaworth in the HBO hit series, Game of Thrones; but for our purposes he is also a very passionate political activist and analyst who has spent decades involved in political activism, in the last two years focused like many people, on the Israeli destruction of Gaza. 

Right after that, we’ll talk to the very independent, heterodox and cantankerous journalist – which I mean in the most flattering way – Zaid Jilani. He was my colleague for years at the Intercept until he left for all the right reasons. We're going to talk about a wide range of topics with him, including the fallout from the DOJ's announcement that it's closing the Epstein investigation with no further disclosures, the state of the race for New York City mayor, where Zohran Mamdani's primary win has sent a lot of people, especially the city's richest, into full meltdown mode. 

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The Interview: Liam Cunningham 

Liam Cunningham is an award-winning Irish actor, as I said, best known for his role in HBO's series Game of Thrones. Various outlets, including The Irish Times, have called him one of Ireland's greatest actors. He's been a political activist for decades, but recently he helped to organize and became a spokesperson for the "Freedom Flotilla,” in which Greta Thunberg and other colleagues were arrested and deported by the Israeli government for attempting to deliver aid to the people of Gaza when the IDF was blockading it. I've followed his work for some time, especially his political work and we are delighted to have him for his debut appearance. Hope it's not the last on the show. 

G. Greenwald: Liam, it's great to see you. I know it's so late in Dublin. I really appreciate your staying up to talk with us. 

Liam Cunningham: No, that's fine. It's way past my bedtime, but an absolute yes. For you, sir, anything. 

G. Greenwald: I appreciate that. All right. So, let's begin with what I just mentioned, which is the role that you played in kind of helping to organize and becoming a very well-known spokesperson for the boat that was intended to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza as a way of circumventing the IDF's blockade of food, water, medicine and the like.

I think a lot of people didn't realize at the time what an actually dangerous and courageous mission it was. I remember in 2011, a very similar flotilla attempted essentially the same thing to deliver food to the people of Gaza when there was a blockade there and the IDF actually attacked that ship and killed 10 people on board. You had Nobel Prize winners, holocaust survivors and the IDF just didn't care. They violently attacked it. What was the impetus for your involvement in this particular action, even knowing how dangerous and provocative it might be?

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