Glenn Greenwald
Politics • Writing • Culture
Glenn Reacts to Trump's Gaza Take Over
System Update Special
February 07, 2025
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The following is an abridged transcript from System Update’s most recent episode. You can watch the full episode on Rumble or listen to it in podcast form on Apple, Spotify, or any other major podcast provider.

System Update is an independent show free to all viewers and listeners, but that wouldn’t be possible without our loyal supporters. To keep the show free for everyone, please consider joining our Locals, where we host our members-only aftershow, publish exclusive articles, release these transcripts, and so much more!


Good evening, everybody. Welcome to a special episode of System Update. The reason we wanted to do this is because we talked last night on our show about how President Trump had proposed a rather remarkable, extraordinary, stunning plan, to put that mildly, for Gaza and for resolving the conflict between Israel and Gaza. At the time that we had gone on air, however, he had only revealed a partial aspect of this plan. He gave his press conference in the Oval Office, he then met with Prime Minister Netanyahu in the Oval Office as well, answered questions and basically said that his plan and his vision for Gaza was to remove everybody who lives there, the 1.8 million people – and we'll get to that number, which is very strange in just a moment – clean it all up, rebuild it into something beautiful, and then basically allow some of them back in. 

We talked about the reasons why that kind of population transfer, forcible population transfer – the people of Gaza have made extremely clear they have no intention of leaving; they don't trust the United States or Israel that just destroyed their society – to say you'll just leave for a couple of years and you'll be allowed back, obviously, they were expelled from what they consider their homeland, which is now Israel, in 1948, and never came back, through generations they've been waiting to do so. They're never going to leave voluntarily. But it was really only after that press briefing with Prime Minister Netanyahu that President Trump gave another press conference in which he revealed the most significant part of this plan. And he didn't just speak off the cuff. 

He was reading from a prepared statement, which meant that it was actually a policy that people in the White House had concocted and created, which was not for Israel to go in and govern Gaza, as many Israelis, including in Netanyahu’s government, wanted to do, but that the United States would go in and, as he put it, would own Gaza, would rebuild Gaza, would turn it into whatever he envisions, and having a bunch of beachfront casinos and hotels and golf courses and who knows what else. 

When he was asked, well, the people of Gaza are saying that they refuse to leave and the Arab countries in the region are saying they will absolutely never accept such a solution, he basically said: “Well, I think they will leave because they wouldn’t want to say there, and if they don't, they're going to have to.” Meaning we're going to go make them. He also very clearly alluded to the fact that the United States government is going to go there. We're going to clear out the rubble. We're going to disarm that ordnance that is there. We're going to get rid of the buildings that are precarious because Israel has destroyed it all with the United States and the Biden administration funding and arming it. So, obviously, if the Gazans aren't going to voluntarily leave – which they're not – then the question is going to become, well, who's going to make them? How are they going to leave? Who's going to force them to leave? And President Trump was making very clear that he would. He would do what's necessary to make them leave. 

So, the plan is essentially two weeks into the Trump administration not to focus on Ohio or Michigan or jobs and inflation, although, obviously, things are being done about that. But now somehow the United States government, the Trump administration, is going to assume responsibility for Gaza, wants to clear the entire population out of Gaza to ethnically cleanse Gaza of the Arabs and forcibly transfer the population of Gaza out of Gaza so that we can then go in, clean it all up and rebuild the society there because it used to be there but it has now been destroyed, over the past 15 months. 

That is quite a remarkable deviation from the America First foreign policy ideology President Trump has long advocated, which he ran in this campaign. It is certainly a deviation from the idea that we have to remove ourselves from entanglements in the Middle East. He specifically heaped scorn on the idea of regime change or nation-building, which is exactly what he was describing last night, and you already see a lot of Republicans, like Mike Johnson – who, for religious reasons, is a stark and stalwart supporter of not just Israel, but a greater Israel, as they call it, which is not just the internationally recognized borders of Israel, but having the West Bank and Gaza become part of Israel – as well as members of Congress like Nancy Mace, who is trying to prove that she is the most loyal Trump supporter, saying things like, we're ready for a Mar-a-Lago in Gaza. 

So, I want to analyze these events because of how obviously significant they are without capitulating to hysteria or melodrama but, at the same time, underscoring the seriousness not only of the plan itself – which, as we've seen with Trump, may not happen because he often offers plans that are part of a negotiating strategy – but even the discussion of this can have a lot of serious implications. The whole idea of the Trump negotiating strategy is when you say things you're going to do or threaten things when you're going to do out a negotiating strategy if you don't get what you want, then of course, you have to follow through and do that because if you don't, that negotiating strategy will never have any credibility anymore. If you say either you give us X, Y and Z, or we're going to do A, B and C, and you don't get X, Y and Z, and then you don't do A, B and C, no one's going to trust your negotiating strategy any longer because you've proven essentially that that's a bluff. 

Setting up this plan where we're saying that we would go do this, we would take over responsibility and ownership of Gaza and we would clean it all out, we would forcibly remove the people who are there, all of them, so we can rebuild it and make it nice for, as he calls it, “the people in the region” – just the plan itself is already causing reverberations in the Muslim world. So, let's talk about a few parts of this. 

First of all, the Trump negotiating strategy is something that we do have to start with because we have seen in the past that he says things all the time and then doesn't follow through on them precisely because they're only intended as negotiating leverage. He talked about imposing a 25% tariff on both Canada and Mexico – he didn't just talk about it but implemented it. People went ballistic and now it turns out that he ended up not doing it, in part because he got some concessions – you can question how many concessions he really got, whether those are actual concessions or not but that is clearly part of the Trump negotiating strategy: to say that he's going to do things. So, the fact that he's saying he wants to go into Gaza, clear it all out, rebuild it, forcibly remove the population, doesn’t, in fact, mean that's going to happen. So, I do want to concede that point. Nonetheless, the whole purpose when a politician floats an idea of this kind is to allow people to respond. 

If you think it's a terrible idea – and I think it's a terrible idea for the reasons I've laid out last night – but an even worse idea, now that I know the details of this plan. When I say a bad idea, I mean strategically, pragmatically, ethically, morally, legally to try and go into the Middle East and turn it all over, after all the failures we've had with our Middle East engagements, with our attempts at nation building. 

The whole point is when a politician says something like this, this is the time to speak up; not when they're already going to do it, but now so that the administration understands that there are a lot of people who are opposed to it. Seeing a lot of really disturbing things from Trump supporters along the lines of, “Look, if he says something, you just trust him to know best, he clearly has some kind of 10-dimensional chess plan going” – No, that's not the way democracy works. The president's not a father figure. You don't trust in him that he knows best. You make yourself heard, especially when what is being proposed is such a radical deviation from what was promised. 

The entire plan depends upon somebody going in and paying for the renovations and for the rejuvenation of Gaza. Even if he can get those people out and he's clearly thinking that the people who are supposed to do this are the very wealthy people in that region. He said, “Lord knows there's a ton of major money in the Middle East,” which there is because of oil, and it's in the hands primarily of the Gulf state tyrants, the dictators who are our allies because we have those dictators there to prevent the popular will from being expressed, those countries being Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain and Jordan and Qatar. That's where all that money that Trump is very enamored of is. He loves the Saudis. He loves the Emirates, Jordan. His son-in-law, Jared Kushner, has done a lot of deals in those regions because there's so much money there and Trump obviously thinks that it's their responsibility to come in and pay for the rebuilding of Gaza. 

The problem is that the entire Trump plan rests on the assumption that the people of Gaza don't care about that land, that it's sort of like if you live in Ohio or Wisconsin and you look around and you say, “You know what? It's too cold here, I'm getting older and I don't really like the conditions here any longer, it's not conducive to my quality of life, I'm just going to go to Florida and Arizona. They have great developments there. They have new golf courses and nice homes, and the government's going to move there. What's the difference? I don't care about Ohio or Wisconsin.” That's not the way people who are Palestinians think, nor is it the way that Israeli Jews think. 

The reason the conflict has been so intractable for 70 years now and a lot longer before that but really 70 years since the formation of the state of Israel is because the Israeli Jews have become convinced that they have a sacred religious right to the land and the Palestinians believe the same thing. This land is holy. And both Judaism and Islam – as well as Christianity. The Palestinians have endured so much. Years and years, decades of bombing campaigns and starvation efforts and blockades and occupations with the backing of the most powerful country on the planet and they've never left. They've never been driven out. 

This was a plan by Joe Biden as well. This is not something Donald Trump invented. Joe Biden tried to pressure the Egyptians into accepting, quote-unquote, “refugees” temporarily from Gaza to give them a safe corridor to leave Gaza and the Egyptians understood very well what that plan was really about, which was taking the land away from the Palestinians. And they knew that no one in Gaza was going to voluntarily leave their homes especially if the plan was not just to go there until the bombing ended but go there for two or five or seven years, which is what they're saying is the time frame to clear out the rubble and to detonate the unstable and structurally compromised buildings. 

Nobody in Gaza, virtually nobody, is going to give up that land to Donald Trump knowing that he has Miriam Adelson and Bill Ackman and Jared Kushner, people who are in bed with the Israelis – in the case of Miriam Adelson, she is an Israeli. It's basically turning over the land to Israel. If the Gazans were willing to do that, they would have done that a long time ago. They're never going to do that. The only way this plan would work is if somebody is willing to go in and wage a war against Hamas, against Gaza. We just watched the IDF for 15 months with zero terms of engagement, with zero limits, trying to destroy the population and drive them out – and it failed. They all marched back to their homes triumphantly the minute that cease-fire was in effect. 

If you think that it's going to be easy to go in and drive out 1.8 million people and if you're an American, is that a war that you're willing to send yourself or your children or your family members to go fight? Do you want to go fight a war in the Middle East for Israel again this time to secure their biggest dream of ethnically cleansing Gaza and the West Bank of all Arabs so that Israel can then have the layman's realm at once or that Trump can turn it into some kind of Dubai 2.0? It's never going to happen. There's no possibility that that can happen and that's what Trump is proposing. 

Trump is saying that the only way this plan can work, obviously, is if the Gazans have someplace to go and the place he wants them to go is Egypt and Jordan. The problem is that the Egyptian and Jordanian governments are dictatorships that care a lot about their unstable population. We just saw an Egyptian dictator, Hosni Mubarak, get overthrown in 2011 by a very restive population which can obviously happen to General Sisi as well. King Abdullah, of Jordan, has a large population of Palestinians already in his country and the population is not going to tolerate watching, with their cooperation, the United States and Israel ethnically cleansing Gaza. So, they're saying “We're not going to take any “refugees”,” but Trump's point is we give Egypt a ton of money. We give Jordan a ton of money. Without that money that we give them, those regimes would collapse. We give them that money to keep the peace with Israel. I think he thinks he has the leverage to force the Egyptians and Jordanians to accept the Gazans but, again, even if they do, and they're adamant that they won't, how do you get the Gazans to voluntarily leave even if their society has been reduced to rubble? 

Then you have the issue of these other countries – Saudi Arabia, the Emirates and Bahrain, and Qatar, and Jordan. Trump's vision for normalization and stability in the Middle East, the one that he pursued in his first term and wants to expand in his second is to facilitate normalization between all those countries and Israel, isolate Iran, eventually do a deal with Iran so they don't get nuclear weapons – he talked about that today – and then have a stable, peaceful Middle East. That's part of what his legacy is (in his mind that’s what he wants it to be). 

The problem is that the governments that I just named have been vehement and adamant, from the beginning, that they absolutely will not consider any attempt to normalize relations with Israel, which Donald Trump says is in the interests of the United States, unless the Palestinians first have a fair outcome to their own state, basically. And it's not because these dictators and tyrants love the Palestinians or care about the Palestinians. Maybe some do, but it's not that. It's that even tyrants have to worry about their own populations, no matter how repressive they are. We've seen some of the most repressive tyrants in history be overthrown when the population gets too angry and feels like they're being too disregarded. 

If the population of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, or even Lebanon, watch these countries cooperate with the forced ethnic cleansing and population transfer of Gazans out of Gaza so that Israel and the United States could work together to own it and take it over or even handed over to the Saudis to run like Saudi Arabia as part of normalization, the population would never tolerate that. There would be a conflagration, an uprising throughout the Middle East, which is why even Trump's mere mention of a plan like this, even if he doesn't intend to follow through on it, can be so destabilizing and so dangerous. 

But the fact that we are now so quickly at the point where you see Republican lawmakers willing to endorse a plan that very easily could entail a new war in the Middle East, either fought by the United States, fought by Israel, fought by Arab allies of the United States and Israel, meaning we would pay for that, we would arm it again and Republicans are right on board, is extremely alarming to this whole notion that Republicans are also on board with the idea that we don't need any more foreign entanglements, we shouldn't be involved in nation building – as always there's a gigantic Israel exception. To so many right-wing conservative principles, including free speech as we've gone over many times. Obviously not for all conservatives or everyone on the right, but certainly for a disturbingly large number of people that we're seeing yet again play out here. Collective punishment, population transfers, ethnic cleansing, these are all horrific war crimes that are barred by basic morality, by ethics and, if you care about it, by international law and there's no question about what Trump is promising. 

The other bizarre aspect of what we're seeing is that for 15 months under the Biden administration, reporters questioned the State Department, questioned the White House and would say, we're providing arms, all the arms, and we're paying for the Israelis to engage in a war of indiscriminate destruction against Gaza. They're destroying everything. They're carpet-bombing it. They're flattening Gaza. And the U.S. government was saying, “No, they're not. They're being very, very discriminating. They're being very targeted. They're only bombing where Hamas is. This isn't carpet bombing. This isn't the complete destruction of Gaza. They're being humanitarian about it. This is the world's most moral army.” 

Now that the cease-fire is in effect – and Trump deserves a lot of credit for that cease-fire; he also deserves credit for seemingly pressuring Netanyahu to maintain it and to move to the second stage, which is part of Trump's overall plan – now we're hearing the U.S. government say the opposite: “Look, the reason we need to transfer the Gazans out of Gaza is because Israel has completely destroyed the entire society. It's apocalyptic, everything is rubble. There's no civilian infrastructure, there's no sewage, there's no water, there's disease. Nobody can live like this.”

This is what the world was saying for the 15 months that Joe Biden was overseeing this war when the State Department and the Biden administration were denying this is happening as well as the Israelis. Now, suddenly, the cease-fire is taking place and the Trump administration wants to justify the forcible transfer of all the people out of Gaza. Suddenly, now the truth is being acknowledged that Israel flattened all of Gaza and made it uninhabitable, which was always the plan: to drive those people out so that Israel could take over Gaza. 

Is any of this that Trump is talking about in the interest of the people who voted for him, of the American worker, of the American economy, of all the things that we were told were going to be the focus of Trump's presidency if he won? Of course not. This is serving Miriam Adelson and Bill Ackman and all the neocons who are celebrating because it's Israel's wet dream along with getting the United States to bomb Iran. This is Israel's wet dream: to have the United States remove all the Arabs and ethnically cleanse Gaza. The Israelis tried it and failed and, out of frustration, reduced all Gaza to rubble. 

The other thing that I want to note – and this is something that has happened several times now, so it's worth noting, it's not just a mistake off the cuff – pre-October 7, the population of Gaza was universally estimated to be 2.1, 2.2 or 2.3 million people. Definitely in excess of 2 million people. Every time Trump talks about the population of Gaza, he now talks about it as being 1.8 million. He says, “We need to move all of those people out of Gaza, all 1.8 million” and he said that figure several times. Clearly, that's the figure he was given. 

If I've got a difference there of 200,000, 300,000, or 400,000 people between the pre-war population of Gaza and the number that Donald Trump is giving of the number of Arabs who now live inside Gaza. Remember, these are Muslims and Christians. So, I think that deserves a lot of explanation as well. I have no doubt that the official death numbers that we've been given for Gaza are vastly lower than the reality. There are huge numbers of people buried under the rubble that have never been discovered. There are people who are missing. There are people who died as a result of this war because of food deprivations or medical deprivations, to say nothing of the people who were just blown up, shot and killed, who never were accounted for. So, you have this big discrepancy in terms of the numbers that were given for the pre-war Gazan population and the current population. 

But to me, the bigger question is: is the MAGA movement going to sacrifice every one of its values, every one of the agenda items it said it believed and every one of the changes to foreign policy it said it was going to implement at the altar of yet again serving Israel or making sure Israel can expand? Trump just said in the press conference that Israel is too small and a very small country when asked whether or not he would endorse its annexation of the West Bank and Gaza. This would be a policy strictly to serve Israel. 

On some level, it is also ironic because evangelicals in the United States have even greater devotion to Israel than many Jewish Zionists. Their religious belief is that Israel has to be united under the control of the Jews for the Messiah to return, not that it gets divided and Gaza is controlled by Jared Kushner and Miriam Adelson and a bunch of hedge funds that turn it into casinos. This is supposed to be the holy land that unites under the Jews and that's the precondition for the Messiah returning. And also that's what Israel wants too; Israel wants to control these lands. It wants it to be greater Israel not have Donald Trump and the United States own it, as Donald Trump put it. 

I just find it quite disturbing that parts of the Trump movement seem to be willing to go along with anything, no matter how contradictory it is to the ideology and the policies that they had been led to believe they were going to support. They deserve credit, we saw in the case of the H-1B visa, which we covered, that the Trump administration stood up and said, no, we're not about expanding H-1B visas. We don't want to replace American workers with foreigners; we want to do the opposite and there was a huge debate and conflict within the movement over that. This is exactly the same thing. I mean, Trump, since 2015, has been railing against the idiocy and dangers of involving ourselves in nation-building and engagements in the Middle East overseas. How disastrous that has been. And now he turns around and proposes something like this that not only has that dimension but also this massively criminal dimension, acts that would absolutely entail violence and the use of military force. 

There has been some walk back today of this by some Trump administration officials going to the press but if you look at the briefing by the White House press secretary, she was repeatedly asked, “Is Donald Trump proposing that military force be part of the plan if the Palestinians, as they've all said repeatedly, won't leave voluntarily and peacefully?” She said: “President Trump has not endorsed military force yet.” 

Again, I get that's the negotiating strategy of Trump: he keeps every option on the table because it gives him more leverage, etc. but it's hard to know what he's even negotiating for here because at the end of the day, even if he wants the Arab state dictators to go in and do this job and not have the United States do it, it's still going to require somebody to go in and forcibly remove the Gazans, which is central to Trump's plan and there's no way that can be done short of war. And that is absolutely something Trump is proposing. That would be horrific in countless ways, exactly what the United States does not need: another war to serve this foreign government in Tel Aviv and its interests. It would be a catastrophe of humanitarianism on an indescribable scale. 

So, I think this doesn't deserve hysteria. I don't think this deserves the kind of falling apart and unraveling that so often Trump statements do because they're not intended to necessarily predict what will happen but it absolutely deserves a lot of opposition so the Trump administration knows that nobody's going to tolerate more Middle East engagements, more wars, more nation-building – not even for the United States interest to be served, but for the state of Israel to be served and that is exactly what's happening here. 

All right. So, I wanted to respond quickly. I watched that press briefing today. I've seen this unfold today. I thought it deserved a lot of commentary and analysis and reaction and dissection because it's really Trump's first war, and he's been overtly threatening. I mean, he alluded to military force in Panama, but not a plan this explicit. I think it's very important to make clear as much as possible that Americans don't want this kind of war. They don't want to send their kids to these kinds of wars. They don't want to pay for these kinds of wars. We've done enough to serve the interest of Israel at the expense of the United States and something like this would be in an entirely different universe which makes it utterly unacceptable.

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The following is an abridged transcript from System Update’s most recent episode. You can watch the full episode on Rumble or listen to it in podcast form on Apple, Spotify, or any other major podcast provider.

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Lee Fang Reacts to Trump's Speech to Congress; Will DOGE Tackle Military Waste?
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$1.7 million spent building a single toilet in Noe Valley? (The New York Times. January 24, 2024) $2 billion on a small expansion of the Muni subway, which was over budget, which blew through deadlines, and is now shutting down just after opening because of faulty construction? And the more the city spends, the more questions are raised as NGO and private contractors keep getting busted with their hands in the cookie jar – we've had repeated FBI raids of city workers and city contractors, scandal after scandal about missing funds and kickback schemes. The problems seem endless and given that so many Democratic leaders – from Nancy Pelosi to Kamala Harris to Gavin Newsom – got their political start in this city, it’s no wonder that many Americans question whether these Californians are fit to lead. (The San Francisco Standard. April 12, 2024.)

But as bad as the problems of San Francisco have become, the city pales in comparison to the federal government. The Government Accountability Office estimated that between 2018 and 2022, taxpayers lost somewhere between $233 billion and $521 billion due to fraud. 

Much of that money was lost during the pandemic, when a gusher of nearly $2 trillion went out with little accountability. Both Democrats and Republicans are to blame for the lack of oversight. 

But this is not a phenomenon that is limited to the emergency actions taken around COVID-19, not even close. The most pernicious, systemic fraud can be found throughout the system, especially in health care and defense spending. 

President Donald Trump, to his credit, has made it a focal point of his administration. His new Department of Government Efficiency, also known as DOGE, helmed in part by Elon Musk, has rapidly deployed in agency after agency, slashing private contracts and cutting the workforce. In particular, he has moved to scale down the entire USAID budget. 

Like a lot of the Trump administration, it's a mix of good and bad, of bold action that no other administration would take, alongside reckless actions that could do real harm. In many cases, they're missing the window of opportunity to go after real waste embedded in our system and have instead cut self-funding agencies like the CFPB. 

First, let's talk a little bit about the good around USAID cuts. I've reported for years on USAID money going to groups that work to overthrow foreign governments, undermine democratic elections, and indeed, censor even Americans over bogus claims of "misinformation." Congressional Democrats have claimed that USAID simply, in the words of Senator Chris Murphy, "supports freedom fighters" all over the globe. 

That reality, however, is much murkier. USAID has funded the Zinc Network, an anti-disinformation contractor that has targeted reporter Max Blumenthal, politician Vivek Ramaswamy, and Congressman Andy Biggs. USAID also funded a pesticide industry public relations effort known as v-Fluence, which dug up dirt about American food journalists such as Michael Pollan and Mark Bittman. But most troubling, the foreign assistance agency has financed a network of groups in Ukraine that have spread unsubstantiated claims that Americans in favor of peace are part of a dangerous misinformation network tied to the Kremlin. 

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The controversial agency provides backdoor ways for the American government to finance propaganda against American citizens. 

In Ukraine, USAID, through its contractor Internews, supports a network of social media-focused news outlets, including the New Voice of Ukraine, VoxUkraine, Detector Media, and the Institute of Mass Information. 

These news outlets have produced a series of videos and reports targeting economist Jeffrey Sachs, commentator Tucker Carlson, journalist Glenn Greenwald, and Professor John Mearsheimer, as figures within a "network of Russian propaganda".

(Lee Fang. Substack. February 4, 2025.)

In other words, American taxpayers have been funding a defamatory smear campaign against other American citizens, all in order to build out support for another forever war. 

But let's not forget, USAID also helps administer global health programs which have been widely touted for saving millions of lives. USAID helps administer PEPFAR, a program to distribute HIV AIDS medications, and the agency also funds the distribution of medicine and preventative care for malaria, polio, tuberculosis, and a variety of programs for maternal and child health care in developing countries. 

There's a pause in these programs as the administration reviews them, but it seems clear that there's a real risk that they may be cut. These programs might not be perfect, but they've generally impacted the world in profound and positive ways. Given how much other waste, fraud and abuse exists in our system, these global health programs should be a low priority, if not even a not a priority at all, when it comes to cuts. 

Where should we be cutting? To prepare the segment, I just looked back at my own reporting over the last decade. I've written for years about Pentagon waste that is far beyond the dollar figure for any silly sounding science grant or health program that was discussed last night at the State of the Union. 

In 2015, a military blimp broke free from its harness in suburban Maryland and dragged a cable through homes, causing destruction and property damage. Where did this thing come from? 

Video. WMAR-2 News. November 4, 2015

The project was called JLENS, or "Joint Land Attack Cruise Missile Defense Elevated Netted Sensor System." Produced by Raytheon at nearly $3 billion cost to the Army, the project was intended to defend against cruise missiles. Theoretically, it was supposed to track objects over an area the size of Texas. But these blimps kept getting destroyed in weather events and faced chronic technical issues. Frankly, they didn't seem to serve any useful purpose. Finally, former Joint Chief of Staff James Cartwright rescued the program, and had it deployed to Afghanistan, where it again failed to provide any real protection to U.S. troops. But Cartwright, after securing the deal, joined Raytheon's board of directors, a job that paid him nearly $900,000 a year. Inevitably JLENS ended up in Maryland, where it eventually untethered and caused random destruction. 

This phenomenon is actually not unique. There are dozens of failed missile defense and radar systems that get re-funded year after year by Congress under the influence of defense lobbyists and the allure for politicians and staff to one day become defense lobbyists. 

Let's take a look at a few quick examples. 

Ground-Based Missile Defense System Has Serious Flaws, Experts Say

 

Despite billions of dollars invested in technology development, Coyle said, the basic architectures of both anti-missile systems “are in doubt because so many parts don’t work, don’t exist, or aren’t achievable.” (AAAS. June 19, 2013)

The government has spent $40 billion on the Ground-based Midcourse Defense system, managed by Raytheon and Boeing. That program, which was carefully with was carefully scripted with conditions in which the system operators knew the exact location, trajectory, speed, and dimensions of test missiles, even under those conditions, the GMD intercept systems failed to consistently produce any interceptions. 

There's the Kinetic Energy Interceptor, a project from North of Grumman in Raytheon, that also failed missile interception systems and was canceled after Navy officials found multiple problems, including its limited range. That program costs $1.7 billion. (Bloomberg. August 2, 2011.)

Or what about "The Multi-Object Kill Vehicle," developed by Raytheon and Lockheed Martin at a cost of $700 million. This program was canceled after military officials found that the anti-missile program faced insurmountable technical challenges. 

Or finally, the Sea-Based X-Band Radar, a floating radar designed to detect enemy missile launches, which failed after tests found that the radar had a limited field of vision and was highly vulnerable to corrosion at sea. The program, managed by Boeing and Raytheon, cost $2.2 billion. 

The Pentagon’s $10-billion bet gone bad Los Angeles Times

Trying to fashion a shield against a sneak missile attack, military planners gambled on costly projects that flopped, leaving a hole in U.S. homeland defense.

(Los Angeles Times. April 5, 2025.)

I could go on and on, just on the failed missile defense and radar systems. And I could spend another hour talking about faulty logistics systems, corrosive and fraudulent work on submarines that leave them completely ineffective and inoperable, billions of dollars of waste on MRAPs and tanks and the list keeps going on and on. Where's the watchdog? Who's keeping this accountable? 

There are a few champions in Congress – people like Rand Paul and Bernie Sanders, who consistently call out military waste, but they are in the minority. The defense industrial lobby largely keeps Congress and any administration, Democrat or Republican, completely subdued and subservient. 

We heard reports initially that DOGE was crossing the Potomac and planning to tackle military fraud and waste. But so far, we've only heard about canceled military DEI contracts. I have no problem cutting the DEI contracts. But let's be honest, that is small potatoes compared to the big fraudulent and wasteful contracts from the defense industrial base. 

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The Interview: Danielle Brian

Project on Government Oversight is a non-profit in Washington D.C. that investigates waste, fraud, and abuse. As a journalist, I've relied on POGO's investigations for a very long time. They've investigated Pentagon waste of all types, everything from the $500 hammer that went kind of viral back in the 1980s to more recent failed radar systems, the F-22, the F-35, a lot of issues around the Abrams tanks. They've also investigated other. Federal contracts, the waste, fraud and abuse that occurred during the pandemic and a lot of those multi-billion-dollar rescue packages. They've been around for 40 years doing really vital work and since the topic du jour in Washington is waste, fraud and abuse, I thought it would be great to talk to POGO today. 

Danielle Brian is the executive director of POGO. She's an award-winning journalist really doing cutting-edge work in this guard! 

Lee Fang:  Danielle, welcome to the program. 

Danielle Brian: Thanks so much, Lee. It's lovely to be here. 

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The Growing Threat of Corporate Censorship Under the Trump Administration; Former CFPB Director Rohit Chopra on Protecting Consumers, Debanking, and More
SYSTEM UPDATE #417

The following is an abridged transcript from System Update’s most recent episode. You can watch the full episode on Rumble or listen to it in podcast form on Apple, Spotify, or any other major podcast provider.

System Update is an independent show free to all viewers and listeners, but that wouldn’t be possible without our loyal supporters. To keep the show free for everyone, please consider joining our Locals, where we host our members-only aftershow, publish exclusive articles, release these transcripts, and so much more!

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This is Lee Fang. I'm your host of System Update, coming to you from San Francisco. Glenn's out this week, so I'm filling in. 

Donald Trump sailed into office, in part, by harnessing anger against censorship on private platforms. Political correctness, allegations of misinformation and hate speech, and other forms of political pressure have led to private platforms – such as social media networks and even banks – kicking users off, effectively silencing them from the public debate. But we're two months into the new administration. Do we have new protections for free speech rights and who is setting the agenda for the movement? 

For today's episode, I want to talk about the tension between political free speech rights and corporate speech rights. 


The best place to begin is just after the election. In a widely watched interview on Joe Rogan, last November, billionaire investor Mark Andreessen took on the mantle of the First Amendment and claimed that the Biden administration had “debanked in the past four years” many of his tech startup friends. “Tech founders had lost bank access,” he said, in the same way that the government had squeezed sex workers and drug dealers out of the system. “This was a form of censorship,” Andreessen said, and that explained his support for Donald Trump. Andreessen named the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau as the chief culprit for this pernicious form of silencing the political opposition. 

Video. Marc Andreessen, Joe Rogan Experience. November 26, 2024.

The cause was almost immediately embraced by President Donald Trump, whose supporters have been similarly silenced and kicked off social media platforms for years. Trump mentioned the issue repeatedly after the election and at the World Economic Forum in Davos. Let's watch a clip. 

Video. Donald Trump, World Economic Forum. January 23, 2025.

And who could blame him? Trump was himself removed from multiple social media platforms following the January 6 Capitol Riot, and his campaign faced government-influenced censorship during the 2020 election over misinformation allegations from a variety of partisan sources. So, from the conservative MAGA perspective, allegations around debanking certainly struck a nerve. It is seen as yet another government violation of our cherished speech rights – and the fight against debanking quickly became a rallying cry to root out Beltway malfeasance. 

But what is actually happening in the name of free speech? In short order, allies of the president have taken to a radical dismantling of financial watchdogs such as the CFPB. But a close look at the details of the policy upheaval over the last two months reveals an upside down series of events. We're not getting new protections for bank customers or users of social media concerned with censorship. The new administration has in fact made it easier for financial platforms to kick off users for political expression, including a push to repeal CFPB rules that were designed to protect free speech. The most immediate impact, though, is a coup for Andreessen's portfolio, with any hope of crypto regulations having evaporated almost overnight. Corporate interests, meanwhile, are citing the First Amendment to roll back regulations designed to protect the environment and everyday consumers. 

You may have missed it, just as the casual observer loses sight of the magician's card tucked underneath his sleeve. Andreesen is the latest to pull off a masterful sleight of hand in the free speech wars. His argument was little more than an elaborate hat trick designed to convince those enraged about censorship to join a niche campaign to unwind protections against fraud, specifically in the crypto industry, of which he is one of the biggest investors in Silicon Valley. 

According to reports, Andreessen Horowitz, his VC firm, has raised nearly $7.6 billion for its portfolio of blockchain and crypto related startups.

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The firm raised a $4.5 billion crypto fund in 2022, bringing its total amount raised for crypto and blockchain investments to $7.6 billion.

Andreessen conflated two unrelated issues for his own financial benefit. In a worrying global trend, a wide array of people – from Canadian truckers protesting the vaccine mandate, to Brexit supporters and Palestinian activists – have all been removed from financial platforms without due process in an attempt to silence them. 

Video. Bloomberg. February 17, 2022.

Unrelatedly, regulators concerned with keeping crypto startups in compliance with banking rules have taken steps to crack down. Some executives involved in the crypto trade have said that they have had difficulty opening traditional bank accounts simply because they were flagged by the system. The former is debanking; the latter is not. 

Consider the viewpoint of regulators. In just the last few years, crypto brokerages and emerging cryptocurrencies have imploded overnight and left ordinary customers with nothing. Regulators have also repeatedly cited crypto startups – including those backed by Andreessen – for a variety of alleged financial crimes, from undermining rules on money laundering and defrauding customers. Take, for example, Wise, formerly known as TransferWise, which is now publicly traded but was previously backed by Andreessen Horowitz, which funded it at a $58 million round. Wise was allegedly facilitating transfers to organizations with links to terrorist organizations. 

It's not entirely surprising that those entrusted with safeguarding the financial system view these schemes with extreme suspicion. 

One could argue, possibly with merit, that the regulators at times took steps too far in pressuring ordinary banks from taking on crypto clients. But even if the regulators were entirely wrong to remove and move aggressively against crypto and attempt to firewall the industry from traditional banks, these were actions taken to police business decisions – not the expression of political or religious views. This is a critical distinction with the type of debanking we've seen as a backdoor for controlling speech.

 Andreessen’s actions are hardly unique. As free speech has become a battleground for everyday Americans – waged on college campuses, over political correctness in the workplace, and on social media platforms – a simultaneous legal revolution has taken shape. Corporate actors seeking to eviscerate rules and restrictions on business conduct have attempted to conflate commercial action with free expression. In other words, the business elite is skillfully wielding the entire free speech debate into a sword for its own selfish purposes. 

For much of the last few decades, lawyers have poked and prodded, attempting to find new legal maneuver for classifying business behavior as protected speech. 

Corporations are weaponizing the First Amendment to argue that they do not have to comply with regulations they oppose. At issue here is the compelled-speech principle in the First Amendment, which states that the government cannot force people to say something they disagree with. In other words, virtually any regulation, they claim, is government compelled speech and a violation of free speech rights. 

Look at the airline industry. Southwest and Spirit Airlines have repeatedly litigated to vacate a regulation that requires airlines to display the full price of tickets, including hidden fees, and they claim this is an abrogation of airline free speech rights. 

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Similarly, private rating agencies responsible for falsely certifying toxic mortgage-backed securities in the lead up to the 2008 financial crisis. They similarly went to court, arguing that they were simply expressing their First Amendment protected speech and thus were exempt from fraud lawsuits. 

Now, these efforts have largely failed in court, but other similar arguments have increasingly prevailed. 

In the Supreme Court ruling Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., Justice Anthony Kennedy struck down laws against health firms mining and selling patient data to pharmaceutical companies. The patient data laws, Kennedy wrote, were a violation of commercial speech laws and “burdened a form of protected expression.” Kennedy similarly knocked down public employee union dues, citing the First Amendment, as a form of coerced financial speech. 

And most famously, Kennedy wrote the majority opinion in Citizens United, the 2010 decision that allowed unlimited corporate and independent spending in elections. The court ruling ushered in our current era of billions of dollars of SuperPAC and dark money spending, all under the rubric of expanding the First Amendment. The decade of campaign finance laws unraveled, the century of campaign finance laws unraveled by the decision, Kennedy wrote, had unduly restricted “corporate political speech.”

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 The flood of challenges to corporate regulations and ethics laws and consumer safety rules under the banner of free speech continues at a swift pace. 

Corporate attorneys are threatening to overturn the few existing laws restricting robo-calls and automated texts using the First Amendment. 

Interest groups funded by Google and Facebook have claimed that antitrust enforcement would increase censorship and stifle free speech. 

And state bans on lobbyists giving gifts to legislators are continually under threat, as lawyers for special interests have argued that it is merely a form of free expression for influence peddlers and lobbyists to lavish politicians with luxury gifts like wine or luxury cars. 

Sixth Circuit Upholds Kentucky Campaign Contribution and Gift Restrictions 

 

Kentucky state legislators and their spouses may not accept gifts from state lobbyists and lobbyist principal. Lobbyists and lobbyist principals also may not provide gifts to state legislators, legislative candidates, and their families.

(Wiley. April 4, 2022.)

The clash may threaten some of the most consumer-friendly reforms promised by even this new administration. Processed food industry lobbyists have threatened to use the First Amendment and litigation to strike down the FDA's new updated guidelines on what foods can be labeled as healthy – a priority championed by recently appointed Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. Efforts to minimize pharmaceutical advertisements on television, another promise by President Trump, will also face a related court challenge over corporate free speech rights. 

None of these matters, however, relate to the most pressing issue that constitutes a free and open society. How do we petition our government for redress? How do we openly debate controversial rules? How do we guarantee religious freedom? Banks are still free to arbitrarily remove customers, college students continue to face coercion over free speech rights, and social media platforms still have virtually no limitations on censoring users over political expression. 

While corporations have harnessed an expansive view of the First Amendment to rapidly expand power, ordinary Americans are increasingly left on the sidelines, just as vulnerable to government and corporate censorship. 

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The Interview: Rohit Chopra

Our guest today is Rohit Chopra. He's a career consumer advocate. Earlier in his career, he helped prosecute the predatory for-profit college industry. He was later a commissioner on the Federal Trade Commission, where he supported investigations of the Big Tech companies. And over the last four years, he served as the director of the CFPB, where he returned billions of dollars back to consumers by cracking down on abuses from banks, fintech companies and other financial institutions. 

Lee Fang: Rohit, thank you so much for joining us today. 

Rohit Chopra: Thanks for having me.

Lee Fang: Well, I invited you to speak about free speech and these issues around debanking at the CFPB and we'll get to that in a second. But first, I was very interested in the talk you gave last year at the Federalist Society, where you talked a little bit about the disappearing distinction between government and private power. The question of who actually governs us. 

Can you talk about this tangled web of private and public regulations and how America's financial systems, in some ways, are heading in the direction of China's society, where just a few super powerful apps control our everyday commerce, that act as surveillance and our conduct. Please, can you just talk a little bit about that? 

Rohit Chopra: Well, one of the things that I always like to challenge everyone on is what are the threats to us living our life really to the fullest? And oftentimes you hear about political discourse about threats by government and, of course, we should check abuses and make sure our government is accountable. But more and more the rules that govern our lives are actually dictated by a small set of firms that dominate a particular industry, we're so now numb to agreeing to the terms and conditions and small font. When we click through on our phone or when we are dealing with our utility bill or telecom bill, so much of it is dictated for us. And I think that raises some questions about what is the way in which we create a free society. It's not just making sure government is accountable to people, it's also making sure that big private monopolies are also held to account. 

Lee Fang: You know, this administration harnessed very justified anger around censorship, you know, for a lot of conservative supporters for supporters of the president. They saw the campus free speech wars, they saw, you know, their own supporters, their own president kicked off social media platforms, they saw this coercion around speech around the pandemic and they have been, there's been justified anger around this crisis around debanking. We have seen it particularly in other Anglo countries, you know, the Canadian truckers who are protesting the COVID mandate, who were being removed from their bank accounts, you saw supporters of Brexit, who could elect, who lost access to bank accounts as well. And this, these concerns are creeping into our system. But, you know, with the Twitter files, we got a little bit of a look under the hood of where these decisions are coming from. But I think for everyday Americans, they have no idea. This is a black box. Are these private decisions? Are these government decisions? In many cases, this is the public square. Can you engage on social media? Can you engage in the banking system? Can you talk a little bit about what you were proposing at the CFPB to help protect against debanking, whether you're on the left or on the right. 

Rohit Chopra: Well, you know, when I was an FTC commissioner, one of the things that really struck me was how much Big Tech platforms were looking to enjoy all the liability shields under the law, while also controlling the flow of information. Usually, it was because they wanted to monetize user behavior and we've seen this. There was a big shift when all of a sudden Facebook changed from a timeline into an algorithmically curated news feed and it became more and more about monetizing behavior, driven by their business incentives. 

And I think it becomes really tricky that when you have these platforms where so much of the public discourse is taking place, to what extent should the corporate overlord be able to control what gets elevated and what gets suppressed and really to ask some questions and what are they responsible or accountable for? You know, we would never think that we should be able to cut off the power to a particular household or a particular business that is following the law. 

I think when it comes to cutting someone out of the banking system to take away their account and then really lead to blacklist them, and that's exactly what happens for a lot of low-income Americans. They get put on a list and they can't open a bank account anywhere. There has to be some real accountability around that. So, what we did was we proposed a set of policies to make it easier, one, to make sure that you actually can get a bank account, and two, to prohibit explicitly debanking someone based on whatever it may be, their religion, their political speech – things that have nothing really to do with the business of their payments or their transactions. 

So, it's interesting. We saw some real efforts to promote more access to banking, but time after time we see the large banks and their lobbies fight the CFPB and others to make sure that they have the power to turn off or turn on whoever they want. 

Lee Fang: You know, in the free speech wars, a lot gets conflated. We've seen the last few years the big airline industries, the big banks and many other big corporate actors champion the First Amendment. And they say, “We're using the First Amendment because we're fighting compelled government speech.” And what that means in practice is that they're getting rid of any regulations on hidden fees, on SEC regulations, on all kinds of forms of fraud that the government has attempted to fight. And they say that they're doing so under the mantle of the First Amendment, which, you know, they're fighting to protect. 

At the same time, you look at the rules that you've proposed at the CFPB on debanking, and who's fighting that? It's the banks. The banks went to the Northern District of Texas, and they were litigating to prevent your efforts to give regular consumers more rights. And it's not just on the debanking issue, it's the inoperability, your ability to move your money from bank to bank over and over again. It's actually these same corporate actors that claim to champion free speech and the First Amendment who are fighting to make sure that everyday Americans don't have these rights. Can you talk a little bit about that? 

Rohit Chopra: Yeah, I think that we see some of this being weaponized against individuals and their rights. I'm a big believer that regulation should really try to give more power to the consumer, to vote with their feet, to fire a company that is giving them bad service at bad pricing. 

I remember in the '90s, Lee, there was a regulation that the FCC put into place that said, “If you want to change your mobile carrier, you get to take your number with you.” Some people might remember you used to actually need to change your number to switch mobile carriers. We've been trying to do a lot of those initiatives to just make it easier to do business with someone you want to and to not feel trapped. But we do see all the time free speech and other legal protections for individuals weaponized by some of the most powerful players in the industry and I think in some ways they want to have it both ways.

In 2019, I had talked a lot about how the Big Tech companies' business model had transformed from like a passive bulletin board, like the old Prodigy and CompuServe, into something that is really algorithmic content curation and creation. That means that they too should have some accountability, but of course, abuse of section 230 and abuse of free speech rights has been something that has been used to evade accountability of basic disclosures and fair dealing.

Lee Fang: You know, on that point, I want to talk a little bit about what kind of set off a lot of the dominoes leading for the Trump administration to go after your former agency, the CFPB. You know, Mark Andreessen, very famous investor, venture capitalist here in Silicon Valley, the New York Times has described him as a lifelong Democrat who was so enraged by the anti-tech, pro-censorship policies of the Biden administration that he finally flips to being Republican, to supporting Trump. That's not quite true. You know, he was a big donor to Mitt Romney, big donor to other Republicans. This kind of switch happened, I think, actually a long time ago. But he was on Joe Rogan back in November. He really singled out your agency, claimed that you were debanking his crypto friends, his startup friends and because of his lifelong interest in free speech, that's why he's really against the CFPB and, you know, many others. Elon Musk and folks in the tech community who are supporting the president, they've really championed this cause, calling for abolishing the entire agency. 

Could you just talk a little bit about this controversy? Do you think there are some financial incentives at play? Mark Andreessen, of course, is a big investor in crypto businesses and other fintech businesses that you've investigated. Can you talk a little bit about that? 

Rohit Chopra: Well, it was interesting when he made that allegation, I want to always give grace. Maybe he slipped up. He was very quickly corrected by even those on the right to say that, of course, the CFPB has never been involved in trying to take away people's accounts. I think, if anything, it's been the total opposite. 

What I think he didn't talk about is the fact that one of the portfolio companies of his venture capital firm had gotten into trouble with the law multiple times under multiple directors of the agency crossing multiple administrations across party lines, including repeated offenses in the Military Lending Act. So, I get it that people don't want their companies that they invest in to be subject to law enforcement actions, but these are grownups. They take calculated risks, and they should accept when their bets go badly. 

So, look, I don't think it's the case at all that when it came to predatory lending or other violations of the law, it seems like they're not disputing the facts of that, but instead they're simply using an amorphous argument potentially to appeal to certain constituencies, and maybe they can use that to their gain. 

Lee Fang: You know, from a lot of Trump supporters and conservatives in Congress, there's a, I think a very justified concern that we don't want a government that's policing and kind of micromanaging every part of the private sector. You got to have certain freedoms to let commercial activity flourish. But, you know, I've listened to some of your interviews, and you've made a very important distinction around the difference between bank lending and bank deposits and how banks play just such a vital role in every community and the freedom not to be debanked that you fought for, is a real distinction that actually encourages greater liberty in our society. And I was wondering if you could just kind of elaborate on that. We can talk about that a little bit. 

Rohit Chopra: Yeah, I'm from outside Philadelphia, and it's fair to say it's not a very big agricultural area where I'm from. And so, if the local bank doesn't really have expertise or doesn't have the ability to lend to avocado farmers, I mean, there's no avocado farms there, and that seems reasonable when it comes to lending. But if there was an avocado farmer in the community, or maybe they retired there, I don't know, it does seem strange that the bank would not maybe accept their deposits. Because a deposit is really fundamentally different. It's a place where our laws have provided for people to store their money. And banks issue deposits, but you can really get your money back at any time. And because of deposit insurance and because of discount window lending, you know your money is always going to be there, and the bank can then use that to lend into the community. 

Similarly, there may be a rural bank who may not necessarily know how to issue loans for parking garages. So again, I do think there's a big difference about lending and deposit taking. There have been companies that say they have a tough time getting a loan for their project. I think sometimes they might say they're being debanked. I'm not sure that's always the case, but I do think we need much more affirmative rights for people, individuals, and families especially, to have access to a deposit account because when you do not have access to that account, you are functionally exiled for much of society and your commercial life. 

And I think banks right now are algorithmically closing lots and lots of bank accounts every day. You hear from some of these CEOs, they say “The government made us do it.” The government did not make them do it. They have made their own business decisions; they're often closing accounts that they don't want to deal with or that are not profitable or whatever their own boardroom and executives’ views are. So, I do think we have to put into place more affirmative rights for people to have access to those accounts, otherwise it could be weaponized against them. 

Lee Fang: I'd be remiss not to bring this up, especially given the news events for today, the financial markets and just every day we've seen the new administration dismiss or get rid of the investigations that you kind of initiated under your watch at the CFPB. Are we seeing some type of analogy of abolishing the police on financial regulators? We saw what happened in cities like San Francisco and Portland when there was kind or curtailing of police powers or police budgets where there was a lack of deterrence, where we did see a spike in violent crime and property crime and other forms of crime. And now we're seeing a kind of a mass rollback of financial policing powers. 

Are you concerned about the spillover effect? How this could affect financial stability? Could this fuel a new financial crisis? What happens when crypto or some of these more unregulated schemes seep into the traditional banking market? 

Rohit Chopra: Well, here's what happened today. The CFPB pardoned Wells Fargo, Bank of America, JP Morgan Chase for very significant allegations of wrongdoing around how fraud festered on Zelle. And they barely lift a finger to fix it. And here's what's interestingly, it's not unusual for cases to be litigated across administrations, and certainly they may be different policy views on how to settle or to continue prosecuting. What we're seeing is what amounts to pardons, where they're issuing a notice, no press release, no real notification to Capital One, to TransUnion and an ex-top executive, I mean real damning evidence of wrongdoing including where the litigation has proceeded and there has been findings or initial findings that the case should go forward and then it suddenly dropped, and it wasn't just cases that I brought, it was also cases brought by my Trump predecessor which is raising all sorts of questions, even in the business community about don't I just need to prove that I didn't do this, But apparently there is some other avenue where I can just get it wiped away and pardoned? And how do I get that? Who do I need to call? Who do I need to talk to? This is really not how law enforcement should work. This makes me really concerned that there is just an effort, as you said, for there to be no oversight and no detection of crime against consumers. 

Look, I've spent my job a lot in civil law enforcement, and I can tell you that when the law enforcers are not aggressively looking at consumer complaints and potential fraud. It just runs wild. We saw it in the opioid crisis, we saw it in the subprime mortgage crisis. Agencies looked the other way and our whole society paid the price for it. 

Lee Fang: On that note, that cheery note, I want to thank you so much for your time, Rohit, and thank you for the work you do. I really appreciate it. 

Rohit Chopra: Thanks so much, Lee. 

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