Glenn Greenwald
Politics • Culture • Writing
Palantir EXPOSED: The New Deep State
System Update #465
June 11, 2025
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One of the central grievances among the American Right over the last decade, a grievance I have long shared, was the grave dangers posed by the secretive “Deep State,” as well as its accompanying system of mass surveillance aimed at the American population. What had long been a core concern of the American Left for decades previously gained space and credibility among many on the American Right for multiple reasons, including the obvious weaponization of those powers for political ends and the abuse of those powers particularly to target and undermine Donald Trump, his campaigns, his administrations and his movement. As a result, overthrowing this Deep State order and/or radically reforming it was one of the top two or three promises core to the MAGA movement. 

Several of Donald Trump's early picks to lead the agencies most responsible for these powers were longtime critics of these abuses and were thus promising signs to many of his seriousness in rooting out these abuses. People like Tulsi Gabbard to be the Director of National Intelligence and Kash Patel as FBI Director and Matt Gaetz as Attorney General were all so controversial in Washington precisely because they did not emerge from these agencies and were not expected to protect and perpetuate those agencies, but rather to cleanse and reform their worst, most long-standing abuses. 

But the focus on Trump's choices to lead these federal agencies has often obscured one vital fact about the Deep State and about the Surveillance State, which it has constructed. Much of the sinister work is carried out increasingly not by public agencies, but by privatized intelligence and military contractors who not only now develop and oversee the weapons used against the American people but profit greatly from doing so. 

This is not new. That was the model warned about, of course, by Dwight Eisenhower in his 1961 farewell address, where he notably referred not to the dangers of the Pentagon, but to the military-complex, precisely to emphasize the vital role that privatized and corporatized interests were playing in what should be government functions. That component of that formulation, the privatization, the corporatization, has only grown exponentially in the 75 years since that warning was issued. 

As the Trump administration now takes form after several months, there is no doubt about the big winner of the sweepstakes to become the head of the new privatized Deep State. It is the firm called Palantir, first founded in 2002 by the billionaire Peter Thiel and the multibillionaire Alex Karp back then to capitalize on the opportunities of surveillance and militarization that they perceived correctly, were presented by the War on Terror, and they have now become absolutely central – one could say virtually omnipotent – within the Trump administration and its various intelligence and military apparatus. 

As a result, understanding what Palantir is, what its capabilities are and what its driving ideology has become is indispensable to understanding whether this Deep State and Surveillance State part of our government is really being reformed and constrained, or whether it is simply being privatized in a far more concentrated, technologically sophisticated, powerful and sinister way than ever before. 

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The sinister part of our government that has become known as the Deep State, the secretive part of our government, the Intelligence community, the Surveillance State – lots of different names for it, everyone knows, of course, what it is that we're talking about. We're talking about the part of the government that was created by Harry Truman's 1947 National Security Act that fostered, among other things, the precursor to the CIA, all kinds of new powers vested in the government under the guise of combating communism and the rise of the Soviet Union after World War II, which became this kind of Frankenstein that continued to grow and grow and grow far beyond what anyone ever envisioned it would be. 

In fact, it became so powerful so quickly, that only 14 years later, in 1961, Dwight Eisenhower, who, needless to say was no leftist, a five-star general and national hero, concluded that those agencies had become so secretive, so out of control and so rogue that they were becoming more powerful even than the office of the presidency. Often, they were acting without his knowledge, without his approval, even by deceiving him. 

And it wasn't just the public agencies; it was their union with the military corporations and the intelligence contractors that were forming this complex that was antidemocratic at its core. Over the decades, we've seen again and again how these powers were misused throughout the 1960s against various social justice movements, during the ‘70s, when there was finally supposed to be some reform in the form of the Church Commission, in 1977, that was really more symbolic than anything else, things like creating a Senate Intelligence Oversight Committee or the FISA Court are designed to control the way the government can spy on American citizens. 

Yet, through the '80s and the '90s, these powers only fortified; these supposed safeguards became more and more illusory. Once the War on Terror happened, all bets were off. The reliance by the Bush-Cheney administration first and then by the Obama administration led to an expansion and explosion of these powers that were previously unimaginable, even by the people warning about them in the ‘60s and the '70s, in part because – I would say primarily because – they ceased being directed outward at our adversaries, or even our allies, and instead became directed inward at American citizens in violation of the Constitution. 

The more that happened, the more acceptable it became, the more it expanded, the more it grew to the point where, by 2016, we saw very clearly how much the CIA, the FBI and the NSA were willing to interfere directly in our national elections and our domestic politics through all sorts of domestic propaganda. Concerns about this part of the government, these agencies, were primarily left-wing focused. That happened because a lot of the left-wing movements were targeted by them in the '60s and '70s. There was always kind of an anti-federal-government strain of the American right that also was deeply concerned about the NSA and the powers of federal agencies and the standing armies and law enforcement and armed agents of the state that the federal government maintained permanently, that were never supposed to be part of the design of our government but by and large, the Republican establishment, the American conservative movement, largely had been defending that until they began to see very clearly as well, principally because of how those powers were abused to spy on the Trump campaign, to spread propaganda and lies and artificial scandals like Russiagate and the lies about the Hunter Biden laptop and all sorts of other things to sabotage the Trump campaign, to sabotage the Trump presidency, just how out of control and how politicized these agencies had become, of course, culminating in the ultimate attempt to stop Donald Trump from winning in 2024 by using the ultimate lawfare against him, indicting him in four different jurisdictions for crimes that could barely even be called those. 

That created a serious sentiment among, I would say, mainstream conservatism, that the Surveillance State, the Deep State, the secretive part of our government was so out of control and that one of the top priorities of a new Trump administration was going to be, and must be, to clean that out, to rein that in, to constrain it back to what its real function is supposed to be, in the case of the FBI, doing real law enforcement against actual violent criminals, or organized gangs, or organized crime, not spying on and trying to criminalize your political opponents and your political enemies; in the case of the NSA, spying on foreign terrorist organizations, or another kind of international criminal organizations, not spying on American citizens without the warrants required by law; in the cases of the CIA, focusing on and collecting intelligence to inform the president, not interfering in and trying to manipulate and manufacture scandals for our domestic politics. This became central to what the Trump movement said it wanted, what Donald Trump and his new victory in 2024 represented. 

As I said, several of Donald Trump's choices to lead these agencies were clearly designed to send a signal that we're not going to pick people from these agencies who are indoctrinated in the ways that they exercise power, who are going to be there to simply defend the prerogatives of the agencies. We're going to choose outsiders, people who have been critical of how these powers have been abused, to go in and start cleaning them out. 

Those notably became the most controversial choices of Donald Trump's cabinet, not the people who wanted to perpetuate the status quo, not the people who were comfortable within these agencies and the powers that they exercised and the way they functioned, but the people who were designed to be outsiders to radically transform them. People like RFK Jr., when it came to Health and Human Services, but then Tulsi Gabbard and Kash Patel and Matt Gaetz for Attorney General, the people that were clearly there to radically root it out. That was a promising sign on the part of the Trump administration that that was something they intended to do. 

I think, though, two things got overlooked in all of that. One is the obvious tendency of people who oppose abuses of power when they're out of power, who believe that power needs to be constrained because it's exercised by their political opponents or in the hands of their political enemies and so insist that this power needs to be restrained. There's always a tendency once people get back into power to want to use the power to preserve it, even to expand it, and to believe that they're doing so in the name of something more noble, just, benevolent and less abusive, which is always one of the main challenges of using our two-party system to try to radically reform the government, namely, that people out of power have all the reason in the world to oppose and to object to certain powers inherent in the federal government, but when they get into office, there's a tendency to want to use those. That's always a danger. 

I think, however, the much bigger danger is that – and this is probably something that wasn't emphasized enough perhaps even by our show – so much of this Surveillance State, so much of the Deep State, the military and intelligence functions are overseen and manufactured, not by federal agencies as they ought to be. These are state powers, and they ought to be subject to state control by government agencies that are subject to the laws and transparency requirements, and democratic accountability, at least in theory, of being overseen by Congress and the courts. Instead, over the last couple of decades, they have been increasingly privatized, so that the actual entities that have run our military and intelligence agencies are not the NSA or the Pentagon; it is Booz Allen Hamilton, or Boeing, or Northrop Grumman, or Raytheon. Sometimes, they send their own executives into those agencies to make sure that their prerogatives are protected. Joe Biden's Secretary of Defense, Lloyd Austin, came right from the board of Raytheon. 

So, it is a very integrated system of power, but in many ways, it's the privatized function of this system that often reigns supreme and there's always, as a result, a very intense competition, not only because of the power it bestows only, but especially because of the profits that it generates for whoever gets to be the primary contractor, the primary corporatized weapon of the Deep State. So you can reform the rules of these agencies, you can change the personnel, but as long as you have the outsourced, privatized corporations motivated to consolidate power, and especially to generate profit, which goes hand in hand, there really isn't any reform. In fact, the opposite is true. You will get continuous abuse. Maybe the names will change, maybe now it's not Booz Allen Hamilton, maybe it's now Palantir, but the system itself doesn't really change. 

We have seen signs from the White House and there's good reason to have seen this coming, a lot of people who are very closely aligned with, have been invested in and closely connected to the people who run these corporations, especially Palantir, became instrumental in financing the Trump campaign, which played a major role in the transition of Mar-a-Lago.

You could kind of see the signs that while a lot of people were railing against the old guard of the military-industrial complex, Boeing and Northrop Grumman and those types, a more technologically sophisticated kind of newer version of the corporatized Surveillance State was starting to gain power within the Trump world for all sorts of reasons that they had schemed and planned for, devoted a lot of money to Trump's campaign and I think we're now clearly seeing the fruits of that. It's time to really take a close look at exactly what is happening, principally with a corporation called Palantir at the center of it all. 

It's not just Palantir replacing other older versions of what might look like the old guard of the military-industrial complex. Palantir itself is a very extremist company in all sorts of ways, in terms of their vision of the future, in terms of the ethical constraints they do and don't believe in and, most of all, because of the ideology that their leaders,  their founders, that the people who run Palantir and now run various parts of the Surveillance State and military-industrial complex vehemently and passionately believe in and obviously are using those powers to advance those beliefs in a way that I think has gotten way too little attention. 

So, let's begin with the official starting point of when it became apparent that room was being made for new types of corporatized spying companies and militarized companies to acquire new power and new roles. 

One of them was an executive order issued by the White House and unveiled on March 20, 2025, two months after Donald Trump's inauguration. The headline of which was: “Stopping Waste, Fraud, and Abuse by Eliminating Information Silos (The White House. March 20, 2025.)

In other words, the problem, according to the new White House, is that information is not centralized enough. You have some information segregated over here, some segregated over there, some surveillance data here, some under this other agency, and they describe that as wasteful. What they want to do is to centralize it all under one authority. 

Personally, I would prefer that, to the extent the government collects data on American citizens, it remains fragmented and siloed and therefore weakened. However, the point of this executive order was to describe that as wasteful and to restructure the government to ensure its centralization, meaning its consolidated control under a handful of specific actors who would be in charge of it. 

Just let me emphasize that – and a part of this has to do with trying to empower what was known as DOGE, that the idea was we had to ensure that the DOGE team wasn't impeded in their ability to collect information, instead having access to everything. So here you see that the idea is to make certain to eliminate bureaucratic duplication and inefficiency by ensuring that there are no more barriers to federal employees accessing government data. 

Like most government programs, this could have a very benign intent, and it's described to appear benign. It's saying, “Look, there are some inefficiencies, we need to analyze all the data, unfortunately, the data is all siloed, it's all in different places and we want to make sure that we eliminate all of the barriers to accessing all of it. We want to be sure that designated entities, whether public like DOGE or private like private contractors, no longer experience impediments in collecting all the information and centralizing it all for whatever purposes they want to use that information.” 

As I said, one of the primary impetuses for this was to make sure that the team of DOGE that was designed to analyze waste and the like didn't have any further impediments to their ability to get at some of the most sensitive data about American citizens. 

Here's how CNN reported that in April 2025:

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“They’re going to take the information we already have and put it into a system,” a Trump administration official told CNN about DOGE’s plans. “It will be able to rapidly queue information. Everyone is converting to Palantir.” (CNN. April 25, 2025.) So, that's the Trump administration's motto for what this reform is. Everyone is converting to Palantir, meaning all of this data collection, all of this data mining, all this access to information is all going to be done through Palantir, through devices and systems created by Palantir, implemented by Palantir, overseen by Palantir. 

Obviously, one reaction is to say, well, this seems like a good idea. I want the government to be able to more readily identify people who are in the country illegally; I want them to more readily identify fraud, so I have no problem with a system designed to centralize all this information to make it easier to achieve these noble ends. The problem is always how the expansion of the Surveillance State and the expansion of the Deep State are justified. They always give you a reason why they're doing it for your protection, why they are doing it for some good cause. 

All those programs ushered in in the wake of 9/11 and by the Bush-Cheney administration, the Patriot Act, warrantless surveillance on American citizens, the vast elimination of barriers designed to protect the privacy rights of Americans, all of that was justified in the name of finding terrorists more easily. We didn't find terrorists on 9/11, even though we had all the reason and all the evidence and all that data in the world that should have let us find them, we failed to. So, instead of holding people accountable, instead of making sure that we're looking more closely for terrorists, instead of all sorts of other things, we’re going to claim that we didn't have enough spying powers, we didn't have enough data mining powers. We're going to tell the American people, “Look, we're going to collect information in a much more aggressive way, including about you, but don't worry, we are just doing it because we want to keep you safe from the terrorists.” 

If you look at how the Patriot Act has been used, ever since it was implemented, ever since that justification was furnished that convinced a lot of people to support it, you will find that only in a small minority of cases has the Patriot Act been invoked in connection with terrorism investigations. It has been using a wide range of other sorts of efforts to investigate the American people, to keep track of them, and to give to law enforcement. I know for the first 10 years, the percentage of cases of actual terrorism investigations that the Patriot Act was used for was extremely small, I'm talking about 10% to 12%, 15%. So, of course, they're going to offer you good reasons why Palantir needs to collect and consolidate all this information under its control. “Oh, we're looking for illegal immigrants, we're thinking of criminals,” and the ability to have all this information under one company and eliminate all the barriers that were there to keep, preserve the privacy rights of Americans from having, from living in, an omnipotent Surveillance State. Those are bothersome, those are impediments to the policy goals that we want to achieve and so don't worry, we're getting rid of all of those. We're going to have it all put under this one company called Palantir. As I said, “everyone is converting to Palantir” is the exact quote. 

This didn't get much attention at the time. In the Trump administration, there are constantly all sorts of things going on. You have wars going on, you have attempts to avoid war, like in Iran, you have all kinds of new domestic policies. There were controversies about deporting students who criticize Israel. All sorts of things are just constantly going around. And so, when the Trump Administration says, everything is going through Palantir, not enough people really paid much attention to that. Now people are starting to wonder, “Wait a minute, what exactly is the role of Palantir? Who is Palantir and what do they intend to do?” The New York Times ran a story just a couple of weeks ago, May 30, the title of which was: “Trump Taps Palantir to Compile Data on Americans.”

This is one of the things that I recall during the Snowden controversy and the reporting and the debates that it spawned, this extreme irony that we were able to reveal how invasive, how sweeping, how limitless the information was that the NSA, unbeknownst to everybody, was collecting on American citizens without the warrants required by the constitutional law. I remember very well, one day, the NSA kind of trying to scope around for different excuses, said, “Oh, don't worry, we're very, very vigilant in the security measures that we use, we keep your data very, very safe, you don't have to worry.” 

Of course, one of the reasons that was not a very satisfactory answer was that the concern was that the NSA itself was going to abuse that information and had done so. But also, it was very hard to say that “Oh, don't worry, these security systems are so unbreakable, so reliable” when Edward Snowden had just right under their noses taking enormous amounts of that data without having any slight idea on the part of the NSA that he had done so. So, so much of this sounds familiar. “Oh, don't worry, we are centralizing all data about you in an unprecedented way.” It's not just some of it is at the NSA, some of it at the IRS, some of it at the CDC and some of it at Homeland Security. We're now centralizing all those agencies in one private company, Palantir. And we're being asked to believe that Palantir's goals are benevolent. The people running Palantir are going to handle this information responsibly and without abuse and, somehow, this information will be kept safe so that others with more malevolent intentions are incapable of using it. 

I think it's very important to note that Palantir was founded in 2002 because obviously that was at the height of the War on Terror, when people began to see not just the potential for government empowerment through a Surveillance State, but also privatized surveillance, which was and became a massive booming industry. And even for 2002, when people were almost accepting every kind of authoritarian measure offered because they were justified by, “Oh, don't worry. We're just using this to protect terrorists. We're not going to use it against you; your rights aren't endangered by creating an office of Total Information Awareness, as the name suggests, led by Dr. John Poindexter under the auspices of Donald Rumsfeld, that was a bridge too far, even for 2002. 

It was very revealing, however, of the limitless aspirations that the U.S. government had and knew that they could exploit 9/11 to create, essentially telling the American people, “we can’t have any more limits on our ability to collect information about you.” Out of that grew this office called Total Information Awareness that although the office was named in just too much of an Orwellian and creepy way for the American population and the American media to accept, became the ambition of the U.S. government that is what ultimately led to the NSA programs that were designed to collect all information on American citizens without warrants, to file it, to store it, and to be able to analyze it. That became the mindset of not just the U.S. government, but of corporations seeking to become the providers of the technology that would enable it and the vastly lucrative contracts that would come from that. 

It was in that ethos, in that period, seeking to exploit that opportunity that Peter Thiel and Alex Karp created Palantir to become this newly agile, highly sophisticated version of a company that had unprecedented power to collect and store and data mine information about hundreds of millions of people. That is the impetus that gave rise to Palantir, and it continues to this very day to be their primary mission. That primary mission is now being fulfilled, I think, beyond anyone's wildest dreams, given that the Trump administration is empowering them to be the company, the Deep State Surveillance State company, through which all information that the U.S. government maintains about American citizens is run through and stored through and is managed by one company, essentially overseeing the entire information collecting apparatus of the U.S. government. 

I do want to say that Alex Karp, though, in 2020, was depicted as this sort of unlikely, almost apolitical, cryptic figure. Over time, his politics have become remarkably clearer. 

 I just want to comment, too, as well, on this situation that I was personally involved in with Palantir's abuse, because this was quite a long time ago. This was 2012, I believe. But I do think it sheds a lot of light on what Palantir is, what it was even back then, when it still had a fairly good reputation. There were a lot of rumors that WikiLeaks was on the verge of releasing a huge and incriminating file about the Bank of America. One of America's largest banks, I think, maybe its largest commercial bank. The Bank of America was understandably quite alarmed by what was rumored to be an imminent, extremely incriminating release of a secret Bank of America file, the kind that WikiLeaks back then was doing regularly, not just to governments, but to other corporations. In response, Bank of America hired several firms to help it strategize what it should do in response to WikiLeaks' release of it. 

One of the groups hired to help strategize was Palantir, but a group of hackers was able to hack a company called HBGary, also hired, and the documents that were created by Palantir to help Bank of America against this WikiLeaks release were discovered and disclosed. One of the documents that was created with Palantir's cooperation was dated September 3, 2010, which is part of the strategy to help Bank of America against WikiLeaks. 

Here's part of what they said:

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So, think about what they were actually saying there. You could choose to continue to pursue the cause you believed in, which was defending WikiLeaks, or you could choose preservation of your professional reputation and professional standing, but you couldn't choose both. They wanted to put people like me in that position, saying, “If you want to keep defending WikiLeaks, we're going to destroy your professional reputation, we're going to find things about you, we're going to leak things about you.” In case any of you think this is sort of the stuff that is the byproduct of paranoia or science fiction scripts about how these kinds of people work, here it is in black and white. 

This was 2010, just about five years after I began writing about politics. I was a little bit surprised, I will admit, by how sinister this is, kind of expressed in corporatist jargon, but it shows what Palantir is. They were saying, “We'll either force him to stop defending WikiLeaks or we'll destroy his career and his professional reputation” by finding out things about him, by leaking things, by launching coordinated campaigns. That was their strategy for discrediting WikiLeaks, for weakening WikiLeaks in defense of and in service to their corporate client that had hired them, which is the Bank of America. 

And then here's a reply from a Palantir person in the reply that says:

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Now, this did become public. At the time, Palantir was trying to build this branding of its new corporation, a relatively new corporation still, as sort of a, “Yes, we are contractors to the intelligence agencies. Yes, we work with the CIA and we serve the NSA and the Pentagon. But we're the new version of military and intelligence contractors. We're the ones who care about civil liberties.” And they were trying to recruit the top students from places like Stanford, Harvard and the University of Chicago by pitching themselves as, yes, we work with these agencies you think are bad, but we're the kind who do it but insist on civil liberties protections. 

Once that document got revealed, and at the time it was very much associated with civil liberties and probably the left, it was embarrassing to them; it was very contradictory to the image they had spent a lot of time building. And so, yes, Alex Karp at the time did call me personally and said, “We deeply apologize for what this document was planning on, it never got to the execution stage, this is contrary to our values. We hope you'll accept our apology.” 

They made the apology public because that was the whole point of it, but I remember, of course, thinking Palantir seems like a very sinister company. How would I not think that? How would anyone not think that when you read that document? And they've only gotten more and more and more embedded into the intelligence apparatus, into the national security state, into the Deep State, to the point where as a result of these executive orders and this attempt to make Palantir essentially omnipresent in our government, they have reached the peak of their power, the kind of fulfillment of that Total Information Awareness program that even back in 2002 was considered too extreme, even though it was just a few months after 9/11. 

Peter Thiel, most of you know him, obviously supported Donald Trump in 2016, 2020 and 2024. He decided he wouldn't, though he has become, he's very, very close to JD Vance. JD Vance's personal wealth is due to his work with Peter Thiel and Thiel played a major role in financing JD Vance's Senate run in Ohio and also in securing Donald Trump's endorsement for JD Vance and what was a very contested Republican primary, obviously Trump's endorsement in the Republican primary, is essentially dispositive. So, JD Vance owes a lot of his career to his very close allies, to Peter Thiel, one of the founders of Palantir. 

But at this point, Peter Thiel's involvement in Palantir is quite minimal. The person who really runs Palantir is Alex Karp. Despite the fact that he has many billions of dollars and runs this extremely influential and increasingly menacing Deep State entity that is becoming particularly powerful within the Trump administration, very little attention has been paid to him in terms of who he is and what he thinks. But I think with the growing influence of Palantir, the kind of realization of the apex of its aspirations to become the omnipotent provider of government surveillance and the technology that runs it and the data that collects it, he's become very emboldened. He's been speaking a lot more publicly about his belief system, the agenda that he believes in, the ideology he pursues, he's far from some sort of neutral or apolitical technologist. Very much the opposite. He is a hardcore neocon, as devoted a loyalist to Israel as it gets. He very much believes in the virtues and necessity of American war and American power and makes very clear that the goal of Palantir is to serve that and maximize it. 

So, I just want to show you a little bit about Alex Karp, the person who really is the sole controller and manager of Palantir, the company that as we just showed you is now playing such a central role, almost unprecedentedly powerful role in America's Deep State and in its intelligence apparatus and security state. 

Here, from last month, is Alex Karp, who was doing an event at the Ash Carter Exchange. And here's part of what he said: 

Video. Alex Karp, The Ash Carter Exchange. May 7, 2025.

All right, here is Alex Karp speaking on CNBC. I just want to show you what he speaks about, what he prioritizes. Here he is proclaiming antisemitism in the United States, particularly the college protests against Israel, to be one of the greatest problems. And here's a decree that he issued about all of that. 

Video. Alex Karp, CNBC. June 20, 2024.

It would be, I think, sinister enough if somebody just completely apolitical was at the helm of a privatized Surveillance State as expansive and powerful and virtually limitless as Palantir now is. But to have somebody who views protest movements against a foreign government to which he's loyal, Israel, harbor so much contempt and so much hatred for the people who are those protesters. Does it seem like he's inclined to use this surveillance power or this data in very neutral and apolitical ways? Or do you think he's someone who feels so passionately about things like Israel that that information in his hands would almost certainly be weaponized against those who he thinks are advocating an ideology that he regards as evil or dangerous? 

Here from the New York Post, more on Alex Karp:

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Peter Thiel, in November 2024 – as I said, he doesn't run the company, but he still is influential within Palantir – he spoke with – you'll never guess who – Bari Weiss, and she asked him about – you will never guess what – Israel. 

Here's what Peter Thiel said about his view of the U.S. and Israel:

Video. Peter Thiel, Bari Weiss, The Free Press. November 14, 2024.

So that's it. We just need to defer to Israel. “Look, we're not always going to be on the same page, but the best thing to do, defer to Israel, have Israel tell us what they want and give it to them. Have Israel tell us what they want us to do and do it. Let's just defer to Israel, and we'll be much better off.”

In late 2023, Palantir announced a policy which you would think would have created a lot of anger and opposition among the American right because it was as pure of an example of what is now called DEI, or job set-asides, as you could possibly imagine and yet people like Ben Shapiro and Bari Weiss, both instantly cheered it as soon as it was announced because it's the kind of DEI that they really like. But it also shows you how Palantir thinks as well, which, again, is an important thing to understand, given the power that they've now amassed. Ben Shapiro ultimately kind of backtracked a little bit when his own followers began saying, “What do you mean? How are you cheering for the DEI and job set-asides for specific minority groups when you've been claiming to oppose that your whole life?” 

But here is Palantir's announcement:

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They created 180 jobs available, not based on merit, not open to everybody who competes based on merit in the United States, they created 180 jobs available exclusively to Jewish students who claim that they are endangered, exactly the kind of DEI programs where you say Black people have been historically oppressed and feel endangered in society or untreated fairly, therefore we're going to create 80 jobs only for Black people and everyone in the conservative movement or anything adjacent to it goes absolutely crazy, sues over it, says it's illegal, says it is immoral, says its racist. 

And here is Palantir doing exactly the same thing but only for Jewish students, I think indicating the ideology of the people, including Alex Karp, who run this now extremely powerful, centralized corporation that collects and maintains and does whatever it wants with all your personal data from the IRS to HHS to Homeland Security and everything in between. 

Here was Alex Karp quoted in The Hill and Valley Forum, where he was speaking about Israel and the role that Palantir plays in the Israeli attack on Gaza, which is significant. And he was asked basically, what about the role you're playing and the number of civilians being killed? Here's what he said. This was in April 2025. 

Video. Alex Karp, The Hill & Valley Forum. April 30, 2025.

I want to emphasize that, although we've been focused on Palantir's intelligence collection, one of the things they do is they are developing AI products designed to be used on the battlefield. This is actually a story we reported on previously at The Intercept as part of the Stone documents, I worked on it with my colleague Jeremy Scahill, that artificial intelligence or algorithmic analysis was being increasingly used to decide in the Obama administration who would live and who would die with the drone program. So, they would have signed this program would point to people based on who they talked to or in what proximity they were to other people, considered by the program to be bad and if you got enough points, you were deemed eligible for the kill list. These were not human intelligence assets giving information; these were purely algorithmic assessments that ultimately have now become more sophisticated with artificial intelligence, one of the things Palantir is working on. 

And one of the things we were able to discover was that Al Jazeera journalists who interviewed terrorists were not differentiated under this program. A lot of them had very high point totals that made them eligible to be killed, even though they weren't plotting with terrorists; they were interviewing people deemed to be adversaries by the U.S. government. 

That's why I say a lot of this technology is extremely dangerous. Doesn't mean we should ban it, probably other people are developing it, but you need serious safeguards on it to make sure that it's not being abused or pursued for political ends. And here you see somebody who's as loyal to a foreign country and therefore antagonistic to those who criticize that foreign country in the United States as you could possibly imagine, and he's the person amassing this massive power, not just of information but also increasingly of military weaponry. 

Here, he spoke at the Reagan Presidential Foundation in December 2024 and shared some of his philosophy about how the West needs to maintain dominance. 

Video. Alex Karp, Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation. December 7, 2024.

So, people like Alex Karp are very benevolent, very kind, very loving, very considerate, very fair, but the people who think differently, those are monstrous people; they live without ethics. As a result, we need to make sure that we develop the intel programs and the weaponization programs to keep the people whom we regard as adversaries in fear of us. And it's pure James Bond villain talk, sociopathic talk, which you could dismiss if not for the fact that he really is in a position where he's able to oversee the programs that will actually do that. 

Here's a little bit more of him talking about how he thinks social change of the kind that he wants in the United States should be effected. He's speaking at the Economic Club on May 22, just a little bit ago. And as I said, he's becoming more emboldened in speaking out publicly about just how extremist his ideology is, just how politicized he is after years of kind of hiding and remaining a mysterious figure. Here he is talking about how he wants to effectuate the social change he believes in. 

Video. Alex Karp, The Economic Club of Chicago. May 22, 2025.

So, the way social change happens is that you take the people you disagree with, your enemies, and you humiliate them, and you make them poorer. He was talking before about how if you're against him, if you believe in a cause he doesn't believe in, he thinks that not only you, but your family, and your mistress, all should be revealed and should be punished. They should have their bank accounts taken away. I mean, isn't this the kind of authoritarianism that we have been concerned about, have been objecting to, have been denouncing for so many years, the idea that if you have beliefs that people in power dislike, that you can have private information about you disclosed to humiliate you, that you could have your bank account stripped from you? But dissent can be crushed, and that's what he's saying: we need to make sure that people who dissent live in fear of what we can do to them. This is who Alex Karp is. 

There are people right now in the MAGA movement, people like Laura Loomer and others who are now thinking Palantir is a weapon available to Trump supporters calling on Palantir to be weaponized against the protesters in Los Angeles or other protesters against the Trump administration not surprising that that's the faction that also is very loyal to Israel who sees in Palantir not just an ally, but a weapon. 

But as I said before, one of the dangers always is when a movement comes in and says, we want to curb these abuses that have been used against us, we want to clean out the way these powers are being politicized. The big danger often is that those who get the power will seek instead to seize those powers for themselves and further fortify them. I do believe there are people inside the Trump administration whose vision is very antithetical to that, including people like Tulsi Gabbard, but this has a momentum. This is very powerful people behind it that want Palantir to ascend to this position for all sorts of reasons that they believe serve their agenda and we're well on our way to that happening. 


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Listen to this Article: Reflecting New U.S. Control of TikTok's Censorship, Our Report Criticizing Zelensky Was Deleted

For years, U.S. officials and their media allies accused Russia, China and Iran of tyranny for demanding censorship as a condition for Big Tech access. Now, the U.S. is doing the same to TikTok. Listen below.

Listen to this Article: Reflecting New U.S. Control of TikTok's Censorship, Our Report Criticizing Zelensky Was Deleted
Good news about your Locals membership and our move to Substack

Dear Locals members:

We have good and exciting news about your Locals membership. It concerns your ability to easily convert your Locals membership to SYSTEM UPDATE into a Substack subscription for our new page, with no additional cost or work required.

As most of you know, on February 6, we announced the end of our SYSTEM UPDATE program on Rumble, or at least an end to the format we’ve used for the last 3 years: as a live, nightly news program aired exclusively on Rumble.

With the end of our show, we also announced that we were very excited to be moving back to Substack as the base for our journalism. Such a move, we explained, would enable us not only to continue to produce the kind of in-depth video segments, interviews, and reports you’ve grown accustomed to on SYSTEM UPDATE, but would also far better enable me to devote substantial time to long-form investigations and written articles. Our ability at Subtack to combine all those forms of journalism will enable (indeed, already is enabling) us to ...

Super article, one of his best. Excellently persuasive. Thanks Glenn!

I am going to pick a quotation that has a pivotal focus for the reading:

”(oil is often cited as the reason, but the U.S. is a net exporter of oil, and multiple oil-rich countries in that region are perfectly eager to sell the U.S. as much oil as it wants to buy)”

There is another argument that states that it is to prevent Iran from selling oil to China. So then there is the question, that if Iran only agreed to not sell oil to China, would we still be on the brink of a new war with Iran?

There is also the question of how much money does it cost simply to transport all that military hardware to that region in order to “persuade” Iran and then if Trump decides to return all that military hardware back to home base how much is that cost in addition to the departure journey?

https://open.substack.com/pub/greenwald/p/the-us-is-on-the-brink-of-a-major?r=onv0m&utm_medium=ios

NEW: Message from Glenn to Locals Members About Substack, System Update, and Subscriptions

Hello Locals members:

I wanted to make sure you are updated on what I regard as the exciting changes we announced on Friday night’s program, as well as the status of your current membership.

As most of you likely know, we announced on our Friday night show that that SYSTEM UPDATE episode would be the last one under the show’s current format (if you would like to watch it, you can do so here). As I explained when announcing these changes, producing and hosting a nightly video-based show has been exhilarating and fulfilling, but it also at times has been a bit draining and, most importantly, an impediment to doing other types of work that have always formed the core of my journalism: namely, longer-form written articles and deep investigations.

We have produced three full years of SYSTEM UPDATE episodes on Rumble (our premiere show was December 10, 2022). And while we will continue to produce video content similar to the kinds of segments that composed the show, they won’t be airing live every night at 7:00 p.m. Eastern, but instead will be posted periodically throughout the week (as we have been doing over the last couple of months both on Rumble and on our YouTube channel here).

To enlarge the scope of my work, I am returning to Substack as the central hub for my journalism, which is where I was prior to launching SYSTEM UPDATE on Rumble. In addition to long-form articles, Substack enables a wide array of community-based features, including shorter-form written items that can be posted throughout the day to stimulate conversation among members, a page for guest writers, and new podcast and video features. You can find our redesigned Substack here; it is launching with new content on Monday.

For our current Locals subscribers, you can continue to stay at Locals or move to Substack, whichever you prefer. For any video content and long-form articles that we publish for paying Substack members, we will cross-post them here on Locals (for members only), meaning that your Locals subscription will continue to give you full access to our journalism. 

When I was last at Substack, we published some articles without a paywall in order to ensure the widest possible reach. My expectation is that we will do something similar, though there will be a substantial amount of exclusive content solely for our subscribers. 

We are working on other options to convert your Locals membership into a Substack membership, depending on your preference. But either way, your Locals membership will continue to provide full access to the articles and videos we will publish on both platforms.

Although I will miss producing SYSTEM UPDATE on a (more or less) nightly basis, I really believe that these changes will enable the expansion of my journalism, both in terms of quality and reach. We are very grateful to our Locals members who have played such a vital role over the last three years in supporting our work, and we hope to continue to provide you with true independent journalism into the future.

— Glenn Greenwald   

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The Epstein Files: The Blackmail of Billionaire Leon Black and Epstein's Role in It
Black's downfall — despite paying tens of millions in extortion demands — illustrates how potent and valuable intimate secrets are in Epstein's world of oligarchs and billionaires.

One of the towering questions hovering over the Epstein saga was whether the illicit sexual activities of the world’s most powerful people were used as blackmail by Epstein or by intelligence agencies with whom (or for whom) he worked. The Trump administration now insists that no such blackmail occurred.

 

Top law enforcement officials in the Trump administration — such as Attorney General Pam Bondi, FBI Director Kash Patel, and former FBI Deputy Director Dan Bongino — spent years vehemently denouncing the Biden administration for hiding Epstein’s “client list,” as well as concealing details about Epstein’s global blackmail operations. Yet last June, these exact same officials suddenly announced, in the words of their joint DOJ-FBI statement, that their “exhaustive review” found no “client list” nor any “credible evidence … that Epstein blackmailed prominent individuals as part of his actions.” They also assured the public that they were certain, beyond any doubt, that Epstein killed himself.

 

There are still many files that remain heavily and inexplicably redacted. But, from the files that have been made public, we know one thing for certain. One of Epstein’s two key benefactors — the hedge fund billionaire Leon Black, who paid Epstein at least $158 million from 2012 through 2017 — was aggressively blackmailed over his sexual conduct. (Epstein’s second most-important benefactor was the billionaire Les Wexner, a major pro-Israel donor who cut off ties in 2008 after Epstein repaid Wexner $100 million for money Wexner alleged Epstein had stolen from him.)

 

Despite that $100 million repayment in 2008 to Wexner, Epstein had accumulated so much wealth through his involvement with Wexner that it barely made a dent. He was able to successfully “pilfer” such a mind-boggling amount of money because he had been given virtually unconstrained access to, and power over, every aspect of Wexner’s life. Wexner even gave Epstein power of attorney and had him oversee his children’s trusts. And Epstein, several years later, created a similar role with Leon Black, one of the richest hedge fund billionaires of his generation.

 

Epstein’s 2008 conviction and imprisonment due to his guilty plea on a charge of “soliciting a minor for prostitution” began mildly hindering his access to the world’s billionaires. It was at this time that he lost Wexner as his font of wealth due to Wexner’s belief that Epstein stole from him.

 

But Epstein’s world was salvaged, and ultimately thrived more than ever, as a result of the seemingly full-scale dependence that Leon Black developed on Epstein. As he did with Wexner, Epstein insinuated himself into every aspect of the billionaire’s life — financial, political, and personal — and, in doing so, obtained innate, immense power over Black.

 


 

The recently released Epstein files depict the blackmail and extortion schemes to which Black was subjected. One of the most vicious and protracted arose out of a six-year affair he carried on with a young Russian model, who then threatened in 2015 to expose everything to Black’s wife and family, and “ruin his life,” unless he paid her $100 million. But Epstein himself also implicitly, if not overtly, threatened Black in order to extract millions more in payments after Black, in 2016, sought to terminate their relationship.

 

While the sordid matter of Black’s affair has been previously reported — essentially because the woman, Guzel Ganieva, went public and sued Black, accusing him of “rape and assault,” even after he paid her more than $9 million out of a $21 million deal he made with her to stay silent — the newly released emails provide very vivid and invasive details about how desperately Black worked to avoid public disclosure of his sex life. The broad outlines of these events were laid out in a Bloomberg report on Sunday, but the text of emails provide a crucial look into how these blackmail schemes in Epstein World operated.

 

Epstein was central to all of this. That is why the emails describing all of this in detail are now publicly available: because they were all sent by Black or his lawyers to Epstein, and are thus now part of the Epstein Files.

 

Once Ganieva began blackmailing and extorting Black with her demands for $100 million — which she repeatedly said was her final, non-negotiable offer — Black turned to Epstein to tell him how to navigate this. (Black’s other key advisor was Brad Karp, who was forced to resign last week as head of the powerful Paul, Weiss law firm due to his extensive involvement with Epstein).

 

From the start of Ganieva’s increasingly unhinged threats against Black, Epstein became a vital advisor. In 2015, Epstein drafted a script for what he thought Black should tell his mistress, and emailed that script to himself.

 

Epstein included an explicit threat that Black would have Russian intelligence — the Federal Security Service (FSB) — murder Ganieva, because, Epstein argued, failure to resolve this matter with an American businessman important to the Russian economy would make her an “enemy of the state” in the eyes of the Russian government. Part of Epstein’s suggested script for Black is as follows (spelling and grammatical errors maintained from the original correspondents):

 

you should also know that I felt it necessary to contact some friends in FSB, and I though did not give them your name. They explained to me in no uncertain terms that especially now , when Russia is trying to bring in outside investors , as you know the economy sucks, and desperately investment that a person that would attempt to blackmail a us businessman would immeditaly become in the 21 century, what they terms . vrag naroda meant in the 20th they translated it for me as the enemy of the people, and would e dealt with extremely harshly , as it threatened the economies of teh country. So i expect never ever to hear a threat from you again.

 

In a separate email to Karp, Black’s lawyer, Epstein instructs him to order surveillance on the woman’s whereabouts by using the services of Nardello & Co., a private spy and intelligence agency used by the world’s richest people.

 

Black’s utter desperation for Ganieva not to reveal their affair is viscerally apparent from the transcripts of multiple lunches he had with her throughout 2015, which he secretly tape-recorded. His law firm, Paul, Weiss, had those recordings transcribed, and those were sent to Epstein.

 

To describe these negotiations as torturous would be an understatement. But it is worth taking a glimpse to see how easily and casually blackmail and extortion were used in this world.

 

Leon Black is a man worth $13 billion, yet his life appears utterly consumed by having to deal constantly with all sorts of people (including Epstein) demanding huge sums of money from him, accompanied by threats of various kinds. Epstein was central to helping him navigate through all of this blackmail and extortion, and thus, he was obviously fully privy to all of Black’s darkest secrets.

 


 

At their first taped meeting on August 14, 2015, Black repeatedly offered his mistress a payment package of $1 million per year for the next 12 years, plus an up-front investment fund of £2 million for her to obtain a visa to live with her minor son in the UK. But Ganieva repeatedly rejected those offers, instead demanding a lump sum of no less than $100 million, threatening him over and over that she would destroy his life if he did not pay all of it.

 

Black was both astounded and irritated that she thought a payment package of $15 million was somehow abusive and insulting. He emphasized that he was willing to negotiate it upward, but she was adamant that it had to be $100 million or nothing, an amount Black insisted he could not and would not pay.

 

When pressed to explain where she derived that number, Ganieva argued that she considered the two to be married (even though Black was long married to another woman), thereby entitling her to half of what he earned during those years. Whenever Black pointed out that they only had sex once a month or so for five or six years in an apartment he rented for her, and that they never even lived together, she became offended and enraged and repeatedly hardened her stance.

 

Over and over, they went in circles for hours across multiple meetings. Many times, Black tried flattery: telling her how much he cared for her and assuring her that he considered her brilliant and beautiful. Everything he tried seemed to backfire and to solidify her $100 million blackmail price tag. (In the transcripts, “JD” refers to “John Doe,” the name the law firm used for Black; the redacted initials are for Ganieva):

 



 

On other occasions during their meetings, Ganieva insisted that she was entitled to $100 million because Black had “ruined” her life. He invariably pointed out how much money he had given her over the years, to say nothing of the $15 million he was now offering her, and expressed bafflement at how she could see it that way.

 

In response, Ganieva would insist that a “cabal” of Black’s billionaire friends — led by Michael Bloomberg, Mort Zuckerman, and Len Blavatnik — had conspired with Black to ruin her reputation. Other times, she blamed Black for speaking disparagingly of her to destroy her life. Other times, she claimed that people in multiple cities — New York, London, Moscow — were monitoring and following her and trying to kill her. This is but a fraction of the exchanges they had, as he alternated between threatening her with prison and flattering her with praise, while she kept saying she did not care about the consequences and would ruin his life unless she was paid the full amount:

 



 

By their last taped meeting in October, Ganieva appeared more willing to negotiate the amount of the payment. The duo agreed to a payment package in return for her silence; it included Black’s payments to her of $100,000 per month for the next 12 years (or $1.2 million per year for 12 years), as well as other benefits that exceeded a value of $5 million. They signed a contract formalizing what they called a “non-disclosure agreement,” and he made the payments to her for several years on time. The ultimate total value to be paid was $21 million.

 

Unfortunately for Black, these hours of misery, and the many millions paid to her, were all for naught. In March, 2021, Ganieva — despite Black’s paying the required amounts — took to Twitter to publicly accuse Black of “raping and assaulting” her, and further claimed that he “trafficked” her to Epstein in Miami without her consent, to force her to have sex with Epstein.

 

As part of these public accusations, Ganieva spilled all the beans on the years-long affair the two had: exactly what Black had paid her millions of dollars to keep quiet. When Black denied her accusations, she sued him for both defamation and assault. Her case was ultimately dismissed, and she sacrificed all the remaining millions she was to receive in an attempt to destroy his life.

 

Meanwhile, in 2021, Black was forced out of the hedge fund that made him a billionaire and which he had co-founded, Apollo Global Management, as a result of extensive public disclosures about his close ties to Epstein, who, two years earlier, had been arrested, became a notorious household name, and then died in prison. As a result of all that, and the disclosures from his mistress, Black — just like his ex-mistress — came to believe he was the victim of a “cabal.” He sued his co-founder at Apollo, the billionaire Josh Harris, as well as Ganieva and a leading P.R. firm on RICO charges, alleging that they all conspired to destroy his reputation and drive him out of Apollo. Black’s RICO case was dismissed.

 

Black’s fear that these disclosures would permanently destroy his reputation and standing in society proved to be prescient. An independent law firm was retained by Apollo to investigate his relationship with Epstein. Despite the report’s conclusion that Black had done nothing illegal, he has been forced off multiple boards that he spent tens of millions of dollars to obtain, including the highly prestigious post of Chair of the Museum of Modern Art, which he received after compiling one of the world’s largest and most expensive collections, only to lose that position due to Epstein associations.

 

So destroyed is Leon Black’s reputation from these disclosures that a business relationship between Apollo and the company Lifetouch — an 80-year-old company that captures photos of young school children — resulted in many school districts this week cancelling photo shoots involving this company, even though the company never appeared once in the Epstein files. But any remote association with Black — once a pillar of global high society — is now deemed so toxic that it can contaminate anything, no matter how removed from Epstein.

 


 

None of this definitively proves anything like a global blackmail ring overseen by Epstein and/or intelligence agencies. But it does leave little doubt that Epstein was not only very aware of the valuable leverage such sexual secrets gave him, but also that he used it when he needed to, including with Leon Black. Epstein witnessed up close how many millions Black was willing to pay to prevent public disclosure in a desperate attempt to preserve his reputation and marriage.

 

In October, The New York Times published a long examination of what was known at the time about the years-long relationship between Black and Epstein. In 2016, Black seemingly wanted to stop paying Epstein the tens of millions each year he had been paying him. But Epstein was having none of it.

 

Far from speaking to Black as if Epstein were an employee or paid advisor, he spoke to the billionaire in threatening, menacing, highly demanding, and insulting terms:

 

Jeffrey Epstein was furious. For years, he had relied on the billionaire Leon Black as his primary source of income, advising him on everything from taxes to his world-class art collection. But by 2016, Mr. Black seemed to be reluctant to keep paying him tens of millions of dollars a year.

So Mr. Epstein threw a tantrum.

One of Mr. Black’s other financial advisers had created “a really dangerous mess,” Mr. Epstein wrote in an email to Mr. Black. Another was “a waste of money and space.” He even attacked Mr. Black’s children as “retarded” for supposedly making a mess of his estate.

The typo-strewn tirade was one of dozens of previously unreported emails reviewed by The New York Times in which Mr. Epstein hectored Mr. Black, at times demanding tens of millions of dollars beyond the $150 million he had already been paid.

The pressure campaign appeared to work. Mr. Black, who for decades was one of the richest and highest-profile figures on Wall Street, continued to fork over tens of millions of dollars in fees and loans, albeit less than Mr. Epstein had been seeking.

 

The mind-bogglingly massive size of Black’s payments to Epstein over the years for “tax advice” made no rational sense. Billionaires like Black are not exactly known for easily or willingly parting with money that they do not have to pay. They cling to money, which is how many become billionaires in the first place.

 

As the Times article put it, Black’s explanation for these payments to Epstein “puzzled many on Wall Street, who have asked why one of the country’s richest men would pay Mr. Epstein, a college dropout, so much more than what prestigious law firms would charge for similar services.”

 

Beyond Black’s payments to Epstein himself, he also “wired hundreds of thousands of dollars to at least three women who were associated with Mr. Epstein.” And all of this led to Epstein speaking to Black not the way one would speak to one’s most valuable client or to one’s boss, but rather spoke to him in terms of non-negotiable ultimatums, notably similar to the tone used by Black’s mistress-turned-blackmailer:

 


Email from Jeffrey Epstein to Leon Black, dated November 2, 2015.

 

When Black did not relent, Epstein’s demands only grew more aggressive. In one email, he told Black: “I think you should pay the 25 [million] that you did not for this year. For next year it's the same 40 [million] as always, paid 20 [million] in jan and 20 [million] in july, and then we are done.” At one point, Epstein responded to Black’s complaints about a cash crunch (a grievance Black also tried using with his mistress) with offers to take payment from Black in the form of real estate, art, or financing for Epstein’s plane:

 


Email from Jeffrey Epstein to Leon Black, dated March 16, 2016.

 

With whatever motives, Black succumbed to Epstein’s pressure and kept paying him massive sums, including $20 million at the start of 2017, and then another $8 million just a few months later, in April.

 

Epstein had access to virtually every part of Black’s life, as he had with Wexner before that. He was in possession of all sorts of private information about their intimate lives, which would and could have destroyed them if he disclosed it, as evidenced by the reputational destruction each has suffered just from the limited disclosures about their relationship with Epstein, to say nothing of whatever else Epstein knew.

 

Leon Black was most definitely the target of extreme and aggressive blackmail and extortion over his sex life in at least one instance we know of, and Epstein was at the center of that, directing him. While Wall Street may have been baffled that Wexner and Black paid such sums to Epstein over the years, including after Black wanted to cut him off, it is quite easy to understand why they did so. That is particularly so as Epstein became angrier and more threatening, and as he began reminding Black of all the threats from which Epstein had long protected him. Epstein watched those exact tactics work for Black’s mistress.

 

The DOJ continues to insist it has no evidence of Epstein using his access to the most embarrassing parts of the private and sexual lives of the world’s richest and most powerful people for blackmail purposes. But we know for certain that blackmail was used in this world, and that Epstein was not only well aware of highly valuable secrets but was also paid enormous, seemingly irrational sums by billionaires whose lives he knew intimately.

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Amazon's Ring and Google's Nest Unwittingly Reveal the Severity of the U.S. Surveillance State
Just a decade after a global backlash was triggered by Snowden reporting on mass domestic surveillance, the state-corporate dragnet is stronger and more invasive than ever.

That the U.S. Surveillance State is rapidly growing to the point of ubiquity has been demonstrated over the past week by seemingly benign events. While the picture that emerges is grim, to put it mildly, at least Americans are again confronted with crystal clarity over how severe this has become.

 

The latest round of valid panic over privacy began during the Super Bowl held on Sunday. During the game, Amazon ran a commercial for its Ring camera security system. The ad manipulatively exploited people’s love of dogs to induce them to ignore the consequences of what Amazon was touting. It seems that trick did not work.

 

The ad highlighted what the company calls its “Search Party” feature, whereby one can upload a picture, for example, of a lost dog. Doing so will activate multiple other Amazon Ring cameras in the neighborhood, which will, in turn, use AI programs to scan all dogs, it seems, and identify the one that is lost. The 30-second commercial was full of heart-tugging scenes of young children and elderly people being reunited with their lost dogs.

 

But the graphic Amazon used seems to have unwittingly depicted how invasive this technology can be. That this capability now exists in a product that has long been pitched as nothing more than a simple tool for homeowners to monitor their own homes created, it seems, an unavoidable contract between public understanding of Ring and what Amazon was now boasting it could do.

 


Amazon’s Super Bowl ad for Ring and its “Search Party” feature.

 

Many people were not just surprised but quite shocked and alarmed to learn that what they thought was merely their own personal security system now has the ability to link with countless other Ring cameras to form a neighborhood-wide (or city-wide, or state-wide) surveillance dragnet. That Amazon emphasized that this feature is available (for now) only to those who “opt-in” did not assuage concerns.

 

Numerous media outlets sounded the alarm. The online privacy group Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) condemned Ring’s program as previewing “a world where biometric identification could be unleashed from consumer devices to identify, track, and locate anything — human, pet, and otherwise.”

 

Many private citizens who previously used Ring also reacted negatively. “Viral videos online show people removing or destroying their cameras over privacy concerns,” reported USA Today. The backlash became so severe that, just days later, Amazon — seeking to assuage public anger — announced the termination of a partnership between Ring and Flock Safety, a police surveillance tech company (while Flock is unrelated to Search Party, public backlash made it impossible, at least for now, for Amazon to send Ring’s user data to a police surveillance firm).

 

The Amazon ad seems to have triggered a long-overdue spotlight on how the combination of ubiquitous cameras, AI, and rapidly advancing facial recognition software will render the term “privacy” little more than a quaint concept from the past. As EFF put it, Ring’s program “could already run afoul of biometric privacy laws in some states, which require explicit, informed consent from individuals before a company can just run face recognition on someone.”

 

Those concerns escalated just a few days later in the context of the Tucson disappearance of Nancy Guthrie, mother of long-time TODAY Show host Savannah Guthrie. At the home where she lives, Nancy Guthrie used Google’s Nest camera for security, a product similar to Amazon’s Ring.

 

Guthrie, however, did not pay Google for a subscription for those cameras, instead solely using the cameras for real-time monitoring. As CBS News explained, “with a free Google Nest plan, the video should have been deleted within 3 to 6 hours — long after Guthrie was reported missing.” Even professional privacy advocates have understood that customers who use Nest without a subscription will not have their cameras connected to Google’s data servers, meaning that no recordings will be stored or available for any period beyond a few hours.

 

For that reason, Pima County Sheriff Chris Nanos announced early on “that there was no video available in part because Guthrie didn’t have an active subscription to the company.” Many people, for obvious reasons, prefer to avoid permanently storing comprehensive daily video reports with Google of when they leave and return to their own home, or who visits them at their home, when, and for how long.

 

Despite all this, FBI investigators on the case were somehow magically able to “recover” this video from Guthrie’s camera many days later. FBI Director Kash Patel was essentially forced to admit this when he released still images of what appears to be the masked perpetrator who broke into Guthrie’s home. (The Google user agreement, which few users read, does protect the company by stating that images may be stored even in the absence of a subscription.)

 

While the “discovery” of footage from this home camera by Google engineers is obviously of great value to the Guthrie family and law enforcement agents searching for Guthrie, it raises obvious yet serious questions about why Google, contrary to common understanding, was storing the video footage of unsubscribed users. A former NSA data researcher and CEO of a cybersecurity firm, Patrick Johnson, told CBS: “There's kind of this old saying that data is never deleted, it's just renamed.” 

 


Image obtained through Nancy Guthrie’s unsubscribed Google Nest camera and released by the FBI.

 

It is rather remarkable that Americans are being led, more or less willingly, into a state-corporate, Panopticon-like domestic surveillance state with relatively little resistance, though the widespread reaction to Amazon’s Ring ad is encouraging. Much of that muted reaction may be due to a lack of realization about the severity of the evolving privacy threat. Beyond that, privacy and other core rights can seem abstract and less of a priority than more material concerns, at least until they are gone.

 

It is always the case that there are benefits available from relinquishing core civil liberties: allowing infringements on free speech may reduce false claims and hateful ideas; allowing searches and seizures without warrants will likely help the police catch more criminals, and do so more quickly; giving up privacy may, in fact, enhance security.

 

But the core premise of the West generally, and the U.S. in particular, is that those trade-offs are never worthwhile. Americans still all learn and are taught to admire the iconic (if not apocryphal) 1775 words of Patrick Henry, which came to define the core ethos of the Revolutionary War and American Founding: “Give me liberty or give me death.” It is hard to express in more definitive terms on which side of that liberty-versus-security trade-off the U.S. was intended to fall.

 

These recent events emerge in a broader context of this new Silicon Valley-driven destruction of individual privacy. Palantir’s federal contracts for domestic surveillance and domestic data management continue to expand rapidly, with more and more intrusive data about Americans consolidated under the control of this one sinister corporation.

 

Facial recognition technology — now fully in use for an array of purposes from Customs and Border Protection at airports to ICE’s patrolling of American streets — means that fully tracking one’s movements in public spaces is easier than ever, and is becoming easier by the day. It was only three years ago that we interviewed New York Timesreporter Kashmir Hill about her new book, “Your Face Belongs to Us.” The warnings she issued about the dangers of this proliferating technology have not only come true with startling speed but also appear already beyond what even she envisioned.

 

On top of all this are advances in AI. Its effects on privacy cannot yet be quantified, but they will not be good. I have tried most AI programs simply to remain abreast of how they function.

 

After just a few weeks, I had to stop my use of Google’s Gemini because it was compiling not just segregated data about me, but also a wide array of information to form what could reasonably be described as a dossier on my life, including information I had not wittingly provided it. It would answer questions I asked it with creepy, unrelated references to the far-too-complete picture it had managed to create of many aspects of my life (at one point, it commented, somewhat judgmentally or out of feigned “concern,” about the late hours I was keeping while working, a topic I never raised).

 

Many of these unnerving developments have happened without much public notice because we are often distracted by what appear to be more immediate and proximate events in the news cycle. The lack of sufficient attention to these privacy dangers over the last couple of years, including at times from me, should not obscure how consequential they are.

 

All of this is particularly remarkable, and particularly disconcerting, since we are barely more than a decade removed from the disclosures about mass domestic surveillance enabled by the courageous whistleblower Edward Snowden. Although most of our reporting focused on state surveillance, one of the first stories featured the joint state-corporate spying framework built in conjunction with the U.S. security state and Silicon Valley giants.

 

The Snowden stories sparked years of anger, attempts at reform, changes in diplomatic relations, and even genuine (albeit forced) improvements in Big Tech’s user privacy. But the calculation of the U.S. security state and Big Tech was that at some point, attention to privacy concerns would disperse and then virtually evaporate, enabling the state-corporate surveillance state to march on without much notice or resistance. At least as of now, the calculation seems to have been vindicated.

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